Could a Cyberwar Cripple the U.S.?
Source: CNN
January 24, 2001
(IDG) -- It’s April Fool’s Day, 2002. Glitches in air
traffic controller screens nearly cause a collision above New York’s
LaGuardia Airport. Two weeks later, California Independent System
Operator Corp., which controls California’s power grid, somehow
misplaces an electrical energy order to
Southern California Edison, leaving two-thirds of San Diego in the
dark. Then in May, a high-power microwave burst fries the electronics
at an abortion clinic in Virginia.
Hypothetical "information warfare" (IW) exercises like
these are being played out around the country in preparation for what
politicians, the military and law enforcement officials fear will be
an orchestrated cyberattack on critical U.S. infrastructure companies.
The theory goes that
if a well-funded, organized series of cyberattacks were to strike at a
target’s economic and structural nerve centers, it would send the
target society into chaos and make it difficult for the military to
communicate and move troops.
This particular information war game was played out
among 75 IT executives attending an IW workshop at the SANS
Institute’s Joint Computer Security Conference in Monterey, Calif.
"In the worst-case scenario, every major industry sector
would be affected," says Stephen Northcutt, a SANS fellow and a former
military IW expert who led the animated workshop at the conference.
Note that most of the targets in Northcutt’s IW games are
private-sector companies.
"When you’re talking about information warfare, you’re
talking about information systems used to cripple the government and
economy," says John Tritak, director of the Critical Infrastructure
Assurance Office (CIAO) in Washington. "Close to 90 percent of those
critical infrastructure
companies are privately owned and operated."
The CIAO, formed in 1998 under presidential directive
PDD-63, outlines a national infrastructure protection plan to bring
better security and reporting to the telecommunications,
transportation, emergency services, energy and financial industries.
The directive deems those industries
as critical to the nation’s operational infrastructure. Although
President Bush isn’t bound to support the directive, Tritak and others
say they hope PDD-63 will remain in effect.
In two years, IW preparedness has moved forward the
fastest in the highly regulated and well-organized financial, energy
and telecommunications sectors, say Tritak and others. But IT leaders
in the private sector say they’re hesitant to report incidents to
agencies like the CIAO and the
FBI. Still, Tritak says the agencies need this information for
intelligence and predictive analysis.
While the impact of IW bears the same uncertainty as
Y2K, many IW experts say cyberterrorism and cyberwarfare are
inevitable. In the past year, hacking hobbyists have shown how easy it
is to propagate viruses throughout Internet-connected mail systems.
They’ve also shown they can hack armies of unwitting computers and
make those computers do their bidding. Now, the U.S. government is
thinking about what terrorists with more resources could accomplish.
And so are countries like China and Russia, which are developing their
own IW capabilities, according to Richard Power in the book Tangled
Web.
The directive that created the CIAO is a national
defense document that, ironically, relies on the private sector to
accomplish its mission. Telling that to executives hasn’t been easy.
"The concept of information warfare doesn’t present a
compelling case to the CEO and the board, whose responsibility is to
their shareholders and customers," Tritak explains. "But as they begin
to see that operating in a reliable and secure business environment is
part of taking full advantage of the Information Age, they get it."
To make this business connection, the CIAO recruited a
private-sector security expert, Nancy Wong, from San Francisco-based
Pacific Gas and Electric Co., to help develop a business-friendly
framework and get the message out. Wong soon learned she had a third
challenge: keeping government, in its zeal to protect, from crossing
constitutional lines between public and private sectors.
"We put in place a road map to identify who are the
people who have the most influence in business risk management --
financial security analysts, bond raters, corporate executives, even
auditors," Wong says. "We’re using
existing networks by cascading information through their members to
the people who communicate it even further."
The networks Wong refers to include industry
associations like the Institute of Internal Auditors, the North
American Energy Reliability Council and the National Security
Telecommunications Advisory Committee.
The CIAO’s strategy of taking advantage of existing
networks -- and their built-in emergency preparedness -- helped speed
along the formation of the first of two Information Sharing and
Analysis Centers (ISAC) for the financial and telecommunications
industries. ISACs are privately
owned, industry-specific cooperatives through which the government
plans to channel warnings out to the private sector. The government
also plans to use ISACs to gather intelligence it needs to better
predict an orchestrated attack.
Energy and technology centers are expected to be
completed by the end of March. The long-standing emergency management
methodologies and collaborative networks provide the framework for
these infrastructure analysis and reporting structures.
Bruce Moulton, vice president of infrastructure risk
management at Boston-based Fidelity Investments, explains, "If a
failure occurs in the Northwest power grid, for example, the energy
sector has processes to keep that power failure from rippling across
the United States."
And because its core business is consumer trust, the
financial services industry has particular impetus for security and
disaster planning, says Moulton, who chairs the financial services
ISAC. "We’ve already got a good framework of controls to protect
against disruption and customer privacy violations," he adds.
A Matter of Trust
But the biggest problem with this infrastructure plan is
that businesses have a hard time visualizing the return on investment
in risking corporate privacy by reporting breaches.
"The risks in reporting are clear: the fear of negative
publicity, proprietary information shared in court, loss of public
confidence or reduced trust in the economy itself," Harris Miller,
president of the Information Technology Association of America, told
an infrastructure panel last month at SafeNet 2000.
The question of reporting was one of the most nettlesome
issues tossed around at SafeNet, where leading privacy and security
professionals, educators, vendors and infrastructure companies met
with government infrastructure protection heavyweights at Microsoft
Corp.’s conference center in Redmond, Wash.
Meanwhile, industry leaders are awaiting the passage of
a House bill, the Cybersecurity Information Act, that would reduce
liability and antitrust action, along with actions brought under the
Freedom of Information Act that are related to cyberinformation
sharing.
Who Responds?
Such complexities spotlight the precarious relationships
being forged among defense agencies, law enforcement bodies and the
private sector, which all have stakes in the national infrastructure.
On top of that, there’s the sticky issue of jurisdiction.
Who responds to an orchestrated attack, particularly one
that affects military operations and crosses state lines? The answer
differs from region to region. But, absent a declaration of martial
law, it wouldn’t be the military.
"When we’re at war, we just go blow up the bad guys. But
domestically, our mission is different. We can’t trespass [into
private systems] when we chase the bad guys. And we can’t blow up the
bad guys, because the bad guys are an unknown," explained Jim Christy,
a supervisory special agent at the Defense Department’s Information
Assurance Office, to a group of 400 officials at a state summit on
cybercrime in Mesa, Ariz., in October.
So the burden of responding to private-sector calls for
help will most likely fall to the FBI’s InfraGard program, which
itself is fishing for intelligence from corporations and private
citizens. Many IT leaders say they don’t trust the agency, especially
given its poor sensitivity to
business issues, including efforts to limit encryption exports, and
most recently, its controversial Carnivore e-mail wiretapping system.
Meanwhile, Arizona has unveiled perhaps the most unusual
plan on the drawing board today: Make the Air Force National Guard the
nerve center for private-sector reporting and response, an idea that
comes from Christy and Republican State Rep. Wes Marsh, who’s also a
member of the Air Force Reserve. Marsh says that because members of
the National Guard work full
time in the private sector, they’d make excellent liaisons between the
government and private sector.
Better Today
No matter how you look at these issues, the net result
of the presidential directive is that security awareness is rising,
ISACs are forming and executives are more clued in. In spite of raised
awareness, internal and external cyberthreats continue to rise,
according to a joint survey by the FBI and the San Francisco-based
Computer Security Institute. And, in a nonscientific online poll by
Computerworld last month, only 17 percent of 150 respondents said
their companies were prepared to respond to an orchestrated, warlike
cyberattack.
But is this work moving fast enough? "This is a race. If
the industry doesn’t learn to manage its risk in a prudent way and
something like an Exxon Valdez happens, then you’ll see a chilling
effect as laws get passed during the crisis," says Tritak. "At the
same time, if you try to overplay
the risks and threats, you could lose your audience."
Already, international IW efforts are moving forward.
The U.S. military has publicly announced the formation
of IW units. Cyberclashes between Israeli and Palestinian factions
that shut down Israeli and Palestinian government Web sites prompted
the FBI to issue a warning to American businesses in October. In
December, the FBI issued another warning of an "increase in hacker
activity specifically targeting U.S. systems associated with
e-commerce."
Yet in spite of these indicators, IW thinkers say a
cyberwar is years away.
"Clearly, the eventuality of such an attack is present.
That’s what motivated [the Clinton] administration to move forward
with a national plan," says Tritak. "But I don’t think anyone has the
cybercapability today to launch an attack that would cripple the
nation’s infrastructure.
[The presidential directive] predicts such a scenario is
still years away."
by Deborah Radcliff
http://www.cnn.com/2001/TECH/computing/01/24/information.warfare.idg/i
ndex.html