CHAPTER IX
Disarming the New World Order
The “war on terrorism” is a lie. Amply documented, the pretext to
wage this war is totally fabricated.
Realities have been turned upside down.
Acts of war are heralded as “humanitarian interventions” geared
towards restoring “democracy”.
Military occupation and the killing of civilians are presented as
“peace-keeping operations”.
The derogation of civil liberties—by imposing the “anti-terrorist
legislation”—is portrayed as a means to providing “domestic
security” and upholding civil liberties.
Meanwhile, expenditures on health and education are curtailed to
finance the military-industrial complex and the police state.
Under the American Empire, millions of people around the world are
being driven into abysmal poverty, and countries are being
transformed into open territories.
US protectorates are installed with the blessing of the
“international community”.
“Interim governments” are formed. Political puppets designated by
America’s oil giants are casually endorsed by the United Nations,
which increasingly performs the role of a rubber-stamp for the US
Administration.
When viewed historically, “September 11” is the biggest fraud in
American history.
Totalitarian State
We are fast moving towards a totalitarian system in which the
institutions of war, police repression and economic policy (i.e.,
“strong economic medicine”) interface with one another.
This system relies on the manipulation of public opinion. The
“fabricated realities” of the Bush administration must become
indelible truths, which form part of a broad political and media
consensus. In this regard, the corporate media is an instrument of
this totalitarian system. It has carefully excluded, from the
outset, any real understanding of the September 11 crisis.
Millions of people have been misled regarding the causes and
consequences of September 11.
While the Bush administration implements a “war on terrorism”, the
evidence (including mountains of official documents) amply confirms
that successive US Administrations have supported, abetted and
harbored international terrorism.
This fact, in itself, must be suppressed because if it ever trickles
down to the broader public, the legitimacy of the “war on terrorism”
collapses “like a deck of cards”. In the process, the legitimacy of
the main actors behind this system is threatened, so they enact new
laws to protect themselves:
We are becoming a banana republic
here in the United States, with “disappeared” people, which was
the phenomenon that we all saw down in Latin American
dictatorships in the 1970s and 1980s, with the support, by the
way, of the United States Government.1
Disarming the New World Order
Militarization, covert intelligence operations and outright war
support the extension of the “free market” economy into new
frontiers. The development of America’s war machine supports an
unprecedented accumulation of private wealth into fewer and fewer
hands, which threatens the future of humanity.
The dangers of a possible Third World War must be addressed and
understood. To disarm the New World Order, the inner features of
this totalitarian system must be revealed and fully understood. This
understanding must not be confined to a handful of writers and
critics, it must be shared by all our fellow citizens, whose lives
are directly affected by the “war on terrorism”.
An understanding of this system is required to develop cohesive mass
movements, which will reverse the tide and prevent the onslaught of
a World War.
The workings of global capitalism and of the “free market” economy
are intricately tied to the corridors of power. The powers behind
this system are those of the global banks and financial
institutions, the military-industrial complex, the oil and energy
giants, the biotech-pharmaceutical conglomerates and the powerful
media and communications giants, which fabricate the news and
overtly distort the course of world events.
To effectively disarm this system, it is not sufficient to call for
the “democratization” of the financial system, coupled with
“reforms” of global institutions (such as the IMF, World Bank, WTO
and the UN). These “reforms” do not change the workings of global
capitalism, nor do they in any way upset the underlying power
structures. In fact, the New World Order not only allows, but
actively encourages this type of cosmetic “reform”, which provides
the illusion that “the globalizers” are somehow committed to
progressive change.
Sustaining the Illusion of Democracy
The Bush administration requires “legitimacy” in the eyes of public
opinion, namely, that in launching the “war on terrorism”, it is
acting in the best interests of society, with the full endorsement
of the American people and with the backing of the “international
community”.
To effectively build this “legitimacy”, the Bush administration not
only needs to uphold the falsehoods behind the “war on terrorism”,
it also needs to sustain the illusion that constitutional democracy
continues to prevail.
Sustaining the “freedom and democracy rhetoric” is part of the
process of building a totalitarian State. While “legitimate dissent”
is encouraged, democracy requires that “civil liberties be balanced
against public safety”:
Our response to the threat of
terrorism, in the context of systemic vulnerability, will have
an impact both on the cost of providing security and on the
civil liberties prized in many communities.2
Fabricating Dissent
To convey the illusion of democracy, “the globalizers” must
“fabricate dissent”. In other words, they must create, covet and
finance their own political opposition. In order to appear
legitimate, they must actively encourage the type of “criticism”
which does not challenge “their right to rule”.
This libertarian “counter-discourse”—which serves to disarm a
genuine mass movement against war and globalization—constitutes part
of the foundations of this evolving totalitarian system. Leaders of
trade union confederations and mainstream NGOs, together with
selected “academics” and critics, are invited to participate in
policy formulation together with bankers, corporate executives and
politicians.
The ploy is to selectively handpick civil society leaders “whom we
can trust” and integrate them into a “dialogue”. The idea is to cut
them off from their rank and file, make them feel that they are
“global citizens” acting on behalf of their fellow citizens, but
make them act in a way which serves the interests of the corporate
establishment:
Business, government and civil society leaders must have the
creativity to forge new institutional arrangements for a more
inclusive global economy.3
This ritual of “civil society participation” serves several
important functions. In the US it requires these “progressive”
leaders to accept the fundamental premise that the Bush
administration is waging a campaign against international terrorism
in response to the events of September 11. In the words of Edward
Herman and David Peterson,
“this [‘leftist accommodation’] … of
leaning over backwards to downplay the US terrorist role, merges
into a serious misreading of ongoing events”.4
Once the fundamental premise that the US
Administration is committed to curbing international terrorism is
accepted, these leftist intellectuals and civil society critics are
invited to express their “reservations” regarding America’s conduct
of the war, the impacts on civilians or their humanitarian concerns
regarding the derogation of the Rule of Law.
In this ritual, the main justification for waging the war, which is
a complete falsehood, is never questioned despite documented
evidence that the “war on terrorism” is a fabrication. For instance,
numerous NGOs have accused the Bush administration for having
breached the 1949 Geneva Convention on the treatment of prisoners of
war, yet these same organizations have failed to question the
overall legitimacy of the Bush administration’s “war on terrorism”.
While the “globalizers” are subjected to “constructive criticism”,
their legitimate right to rule remains unchallenged. What this “left
accommodation” and “civil society mingling” does is to reinforce the
clutch of the military-intelligence elites and the corporate
establishment, while weakening the real protest movement.
More importantly, “left accommodation” splits up the protest
movement.
It divides the anti-war movement from
the anti-globalization movement. It prevents the development of a
broader movement against the American Empire. The large trade unions
and the mainstream non-governmental organizations, by failing to
denounce the falsehoods behind the “war on terrorism”, have
contributed unwittingly to the failure of a real opposition movement
being mounted against the New World Order.
In the words of AFL-CIO president John Sweeney:
“We are all angry; let our anger be
directed at the real enemy. The terrorists and those who
supported them must be brought to justice.”5
Building Meaningful Mass Movements
We are at the juncture of one of the most important social struggles
in world history, requiring an unprecedented degree of solidarity
and commitment. America’s New War, which includes the “first strike”
use of nuclear weapons, threatens the future of humanity as we know
it. This is by no means an overstatement.
Some people believe that this New World Order can be changed by
developing “new ideas” (or “paradigms”) regarding “alternative forms
of economic and social organization” and that government policy will
somehow adjust and encompass these new concepts. This
viewpoint—which is fashionable among civil society advocates—calls
for dialogue, debate and discussion with elected politicians
concerning reforms and “alternatives”.
More importantly, this left accommodation does not question the
legitimacy of the elected politicians who have unequivocally
endorsed the “war on terrorism”. It often trivializes the
seriousness of the post-September 11 crisis. It fails to recognize
that the US is involved in a war of conquest. It does not address
the relationship between the objectives of war and global
capitalism. In other words, it dares not look behind the curtain to
see who is really driving the hidden agenda. Nor does it address the
fact that Western heads of state and heads of government, in
endorsing America’s war, have blatantly violated international law
and are also responsible—together with the Bush administration—for
crimes against humanity.
Establishing an “alternative economic and social system” through an
abstract set of principles does not, in itself, address the nature
of the World Order and the power structures which underlie it.
The abstract formulation of “an alternative” does not ensure that
meaningful change will be forthcoming and that the workings of
contemporary capitalism will be modified. These work-ings—which are
the result of complex manoeuvers between the business elites and the
military-intelligence establishment—cannot be undone simply by
formulating a new paradigm, or by calling for a more “Just World” or
by presenting demands and/or petitions to the G-7 political leaders
who are, themselves, the lackeys of the New World Order.
To bring about meaningful change, the balance of power within
society must be modified.
The backbone of this system is militarization, which in turn
endorses and enforces the capitalist market system. One cannot
disarm the “invisible fist” of the “free market” without
concurrently dismantling the military and intelligence apparatus
which supports it. Military bases must be closed down; the war
machine— including the production of advanced weapons systems—must
be dismantled, implying a dramatic shift into civilian production.
Disarming the New World Order also requires a transformation of the
structures of ownership, namely the disempowering of banks,
financial institutions and transnational corporations, as well as a
radical overhaul of the state apparatus. All these issues are
complex and will require careful debate and analysis in the years
ahead.
The first priority, in this regard, is to stall the privatization of
collective assets, infrastructure, public utilities (including water
and electricity), state institutions (such as hospitals and
schools), the commons, communal lands, etc.
Yet it should be understood that this process—which in itself
requires a meaningful debate on policy alternatives—cannot commence
unless the falsehoods which provide “legitimacy” to war and
globalization are fully revealed and understood by all.
This struggle requires breaking the legitimacy of the system and
those who rule in our name. Politicians who are war criminals must
be removed. The judicial system must be transformed. The banking
system must be overhauled, etc. But none of this is possible as long
as citizens continue to blindly uphold the neoliberal agenda.
The legitimacy of the New World Order system must be undone.
Social Movements
At the present juncture, social movements are in a state of
disarray. Labour leaders and leftist politicians have been co-opted.
Against this background, the anti-globalization protest movement
seems to have coalesced around the “Counter-Summit” or “People’s
Summit”, held in parallel to various “official” venues such as the
G-7, G-8 meetings, or those of the Bretton Woods institutions:
namely the World Bank and IMF and also the annual World Economic
Forum, usually held in Davos, Switzerland.
These international venues—while bringing together activists from
around the world—tend to be dominated by a handful of intellectuals
and civil society organizers which set the agenda. The same
personalities travel to these various international venues which,
over the years, have become heavily ritualized.
The Funding of Dissent
These international conferences and teach-ins are often financed by
government grants and donations from the large private foundations
(Ford Foundation, MacArthur Foundation, etc.).
This “funding of dissent” plays a key role. It essentially
circumscribes the boundaries of dissent. In other words, one cannot
meaningfully question the legitimacy of the governments and business
corporations while, at the same time, expecting them to foot the
bill. The “funding of dissent” ensures that these organizations will
criticize the system without going against their government and
corporate sponsors. In other words, they will not take a lead in the
development of a meaningful mass movement.
Many of the organizations involved have, in the process, become
“lobbyists”, often funded by governments or intergovernmental
organizations. Demands, petitions and declarations are formulated to
little avail, largely with respect to issues of debt cancellation,
environmental standards and macro-economic reform, etc.
The Ritual of the Counter-Summit
The organization of international counter-summits cannot constitute
the basis of this struggle. To effectively “disarm the American
Empire”, we must move to a higher plane by launching mass movements
in our respective countries, grassroots movements—integrated
nationally and internationally—which reveal the hidden face of the
New World Order and bring the message of what globalization and
militarization are doing to ordinary people.
Ultimately, these are the grassroots
forces which must be mobilized to challenge those who threaten our
collective future.
Existing mass organizations such as trade unions and
non-governmental organizations, whose leaders have visibly been
co-opted, must be “democratized” and reappropriated by their
grass-roots. In other words, these organizations must be rebuilt
from within.
This process should take place in all sectors of organized labour
(industrial workers, farmers, teachers, public sector employees,
professionals, etc.), eventually leading to the transformation of
the national and international labour confederations. In other
words, within these various organizations, leadership structures
must be democratized, while setting an agenda of struggle and
resistance against war and globalization.
Other sectors of society, including small and medium-sized
businesses and independent producers, whose existence is threatened
by the global corporations, must also address these issues within
their respective organizations.
Of critical importance, this democratization process must also
proceed from within the security, police and military forces with a
view to effectively disarming the Empire’s repressive apparatus. To
succeed, dissident voices within the military, intelligence and
police sectors must be fully integrated into the broader struggle.
Grass Roots Organizations
Concurrently, what is also required in each of our countries is the
formation of a powerful network of local level councils in
neighborhoods, work places, schools, universities, etc. which
integrate millions of citizens. These national networks would in
turn be integrated into a broad international movement.
The first priority for these grass-roots councils would be to break
the legitimacy of global capitalism by informing, educating and
sensitizing fellow citizens regarding the nature of the New World
Order—i.e., uncovering the falsehoods and media lies, taking a firm
position against the “war on terrorism”, establishing the links
between globalization and militarization, debating the concrete
impacts of deadly macroeconomic reforms, etc.
The councils and their respective networks, operating nationally and
internationally, would eventually become increasingly politicized,
constituting the basis for organized resistance and transformation.
In turn, the councils could develop, under certain circumstances,
into a de facto system of parallel government.
The struggle must be broad-based and democratic, encompassing all
sectors of society at all levels, in all countries, uniting in a
major thrust: workers, farmers, independent producers, small
businesses, professionals, artists, civil servants, members of the
clergy, students and intellectuals.
The anti-war, anti-globalization, environmentalist, civil rights and
anti-racism coalitions must unite. “Single issue” groups must join
hands in a common understanding on how the New World Order is
threatening our collective future on this planet.
This global struggle directed against the American Empire is
fundamental, requiring a degree of solidarity and internationalism
unprecedented in world history.
The global economic system feeds on social divisiveness between and
within countries. Unity of purpose and worldwide coordination among
diverse groups and social movements is crucial. A major thrust is
required which brings together social movements in all major regions
of the world, in common pursuit of and commitment to the elimination
of poverty and a lasting world peace.
Notes
1. Christopher Bollyn, “In the Name
of Security, Thousands Denied Constitutional Rights”, American
Free Press, 29 November 2001.
2. 2002 World Economic Forum,
http://www.weforum.org/.
3. In the words of Ed Mayo, Executive Director of the New
Economics Foundation at the 2002 New York World Economic Forum,
at http://www.weforum.org,
February 2002.
4. Edward Herman and David Peterson,“Who Terrorizes Whom”,
Global Outlook, No. 1, Spring 2002, p. 47.
5. Statement by John Sweeney, President of the AFL-CIO, 14
September 2001,
http://www.aflcio.org/publ/press2001/pr0916.htm.
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