by Laura Knight-Jadczyk
Excerpted from
Ancient Science Future Science: Finis Gloria
Mundi: The Living Fourth Way
from
TheCassiopaeaExperiment
Website
In all of Egyptian history, nothing is as mysterious as the strange
life of Akhenaten and the odd appearance and equally mysterious
disappearance of his queen, Nefertiti, whose name means: “a
beautiful woman has come.” We notice in the above account that the,
“the Lord plagued Pharaoh and his house with great plagues because
of Sarai.”
This reminds us of the plagues at the time of the
Exodus.
We also notice that the pharaoh told Abraham, “take your wife and
go.” This strangely mirrors the demand of Moses: “Let my people go.”
The timing of this event is also important, and I think that we can
nail it down to the time of the eruption of Thera on the island of
Santorini around 1600 BC, which happens to be the time that the
entire Earth experienced a disruption recorded in ice cores, and
brought the Bronze Age world to an end. It was very likely also the
time when many refugees from many areas of the Mediterranean all
showed up in Palestine - including Danaan Greeks - to form the mixed
ethnic groups from which the later Jewish state evolved.
There is evidence that the eruption of Thera coincided generally
with the ejection of the Hyksos from the Nile Delta. There is also
evidence that many of the king list segments that are currently
arranged in a linear way may have represented different dynasties in
different locations, some of which ruled simultaneously exactly as
Manetho has told us. In particular, there is evidence that the 18th
dynasty overlapped the Hyksos kings to some considerable extent.
This is important to us at present because of the fact that the
story of Abraham and Sarai in Egypt is mirrored by the story of
Akhenaten and his Queen, Nefertiti. The earliest document that
describes the time of the Hyksos is from the Temple of Hatshepsut at
Speos Artemidos which says:
Hear ye, all people and the folk as many as they may be, I have done
these things through the counsel of my heart. I have not slept
forgetfully, (but) I have restored that which had been ruined. I
have raised up that which had gone to pieces formerly, since the
Asiatics were in the midst of Avaris of the Northland, and vagabonds
were in the midst of them, overthrowing that which had been made.
They ruled without Re, and he did not act by divine command down to
(the reign of) my majesty.[1]
The expulsion of the Hyksos was a series of campaigns which
supposedly started with Kamose who was king in Thebes. He
unsuccessfully rebelled against the Hyksos. His son Ahmose was
finally successful in pushing the Hyksos out. An army commander
named Ah-mose records in his tomb the victory over the Hyksos. He
says:
When the town of
Avaris was besieged, then I showed valor on foot in
the presence of his majesty. Thereupon I was appointed to the ship,
‘Appearing in Memphis.’ Then there was fighting on the water in the
canal Pa-Djedku of Avaris. Thereupon I made a capture, and I carried
away a hand. It was reported to the king’s herald. Then the Gold of
Valor was given to me. Thereupon there was fighting again in this
place....Then Avaris was despoiled. Then I carried off spoil from
there: one man, three woman, a total of four persons. Then his
majesty gave them to me to be slaves. Then Sharuhen was besieged for
three years. Then his majesty despoiled it.[2]
Note that Avaris was besieged, there is no mention of how Avaris was
taken, and there is no burning of Avaris claimed. What is more, the
archaeological evidence shows that Avaris was not destroyed in a
military engagement. The likelihood is that, after years of unstable
relations with the Southern Egyptian dynasty, Avaris was abandoned
due to the eruption of Thera.
This exodus from Egypt by the Hyksos, many of whom fled to
Canaan,
was part of their history. In fact, there were probably many
refugees arriving in the Levant from many places affected by the
eruption and the following famine. When the descendants of the
refugees were later incorporated into a tribal confederation known
as Israel, the story became one of the single events they all agreed
upon. In this respect, they all did, indeed, share a history.
The fact is, other than the expulsion of the Hyksos,
there is no
other record of any mass exit from Egypt. Avaris was on the coast,
and thus closer to the effects of the volcano. Naturally, the
Egyptians of Thebes saw the expulsion of the Hyksos as a great
military victory, while the Hyksos themselves, in the retelling of
the story, viewed their survival as a great salvation victory. This
seems similar to other events recorded in ancient history where both
sides claim a great victory. Nevertheless, that there was something
very unusual going on during this times comes down to us from the
Rhind Mathematical Papyrus. There is a little diary preserved on the
reverse of this work that records the events leading up to the fall
of Avaris.
Regnal year 11, second month of shomu - Heliopolis was entered.
First month of akhet, day 23 - the Bull of the South gores his way
as far as Tjaru. Day 25 - it was heard tell that Tjaru had been
entered. Regnal year 11, first month of akhet, the birthday of Seth
- a roar was emitted by the Majesty of this god. The birthday of
Isis - the sky poured rain.
Recorded on a stela of
King Ahmose from the same period:
The sky came on with a torrent of rain, and [dark]ness covered the
western heavens while the storm raged without cessation…[the rain
thundered] on the mountains (louder) than the noise at the Cavern
that is in Abydos. Then every house and barn where they might have
sought refuge [was swept away … and they] were drenched with water
like reed canoes … and for a period of […] days no light shone in
the Two Lands.[3]
The Rhind Mathematical Papyrus is named after the Scottish
Egyptologist Henry Rhind, who purchased it in Luxor in 1858. The
papyrus, a scroll about 6 meters long and 1/3 of a meter wide,
includes certain information about who wrote it and when it was
written. The scribe identifies himself as Ahmes, and says that he is
copying the scroll for the Hyksos king Apophis, in the year 33 of
his reign. Ahmes then tells us that he is copying the text from an
older version. It is here that we find some disagreement. Some
experts think that the original of the mathematical problems, which
is what the papyrus consists of, was written during the reign of
Amenemht III, from the 12th dynasty. Egyptologist
Anthony Spalinger
does not, however, entirely agree. In a lengthy, detailed analysis
of the papyrus, the mathematics, the arrangement of the problems,
and every observable detail about it, he asks:
One might query at this point the source or sources of
Rhind. Did
the original exemplar contain the opening table as well as the
subsequent problems, or, to complicate the case further, was that
treatise itself derived from various unknown works now lost? That
this is not idle speculation can be seen by [Egyptologist]
Griffith’s remarks concerning the grain measures employed. He
stressed the presence of the quadruple hekat in this papyrus, a
measure which was unknown to him as a standard in the Middle
Kingdom. […]
In Rhind the quadruple hekat occurs in Books II and III but not in
Book I, in which only the single hekat occurs. […] In the Middle
Kingdom (Dynasty 12), only the single and double hekat have been
found; one has to wait for Rhind to note the presence of its
four-fold companion. […]
Can we therefore assume that Book I represents the copy mentioned at
the beginning, and Book II (as well as the problems on the verso)
another source or sources? […]
I am of the belief that the sources of Book II (and III, but this
needs more clarification) was either different from that of Book I
or else a reworked series of problems having their origins in the
copy that Scribe Ahmose employed.[…]
Significantly, the relationship of one
deben of weight to 12
“pieces” can also be found at the end of the 18th dynasty, a point
that Gardner stressed in his important breakthrough of the Kahun
Papyri.[…]
After the papyrus had been completed, and undoubtedly after some use
as a teaching manual, later remarks were written on the verso in the
great blank following problem 84. […] Upside down, in a different
(and thicker) hand than that of the original scribe, it presents an
early case of cryptographic writing. Gunn, in his review of
Peet,
was the first to attempt a concise evaluation of the meaning, and he
observed the presence of such writing from Dynasty 19 on, citing
examples from Theban tombs, as well as other monuments from that
capital. […]
Following Gunn, I feel that the presence of cryptography at this
point ought to predicate a date within Dynasty 18, and the eventual
location of Rhind at Thebes just may supply some support for this
supposition. After all, it is from that city that we know the most
about this so-called enigmatic writing, and such texts are dated to
the New Kingdom and not earlier.
With no 87, located […] roughly in the center,
Rhind presents the
famous and highly-debated jottings concerning the taking of Avaris
by Ahmose. I feel that it was added to the middle of the verso, and
right side up, so to speak, soon before the entire roll was
transported to Thebes from the north. […]
The brief remarks provide not merely a terminus a quo for the
presence of Rhind later than year 33 of the Hyksos ruler Apophis,
they also indicated that a major historical event was purposively
written down on a mathematical tractate, itself being of high
importance and value.
Soon after, Rhind was, I believe, transported back by someone in the
victorious Theban army to the new capital and later used there as a
treatise, only to have a further addition entered (no. 87). […]
I feel that the regnal dates do not refer to the reign of Ahmose but
rather to that of the last Hyksos ruler in Egypt, a position that I
am well aware is open to question; however, the historical event is
at least clear: the end of Hyksos control in the eastern delta
(Heliopolis and Sile are noted as having fallen). If we follow
Moller, then the possessor of Rhind at that time felt these major
events worthy of a remark on one of his prized treasures. […] The
scribe was identical to the copyist of Rhind itself.[4]
I hope that the reader caught the term “cryptographic writing” in
reference to the account of the events leading to the fall of Avaris. It actually took me awhile to realize what these guys were
talking about when I read these references to “cryptographic
writing” in the 18th and 19th dynasties. Finally, I understood that
they were not suggesting that something was being written in a
secret code for military purposes. What this term actually means to
Egyptologists is that,
“since we cannot possibly give up our
chronology to allow these matters to coincide with a certifiable
cataclysm going on in the region, we must therefore say that the
writers do not mean what they say, but rather they are using
metaphors. What’s more, we will call it “cryptographic writing.”
Egyptologist R. Weill was the first to insist on this distortion
being a type of literary fiction. It then became the convention for
interpreting Egyptian historical writing. In this way, a period of
desolation and anarchy would be described in exaggeratedly lurid
terms of catastrophe and climatological cataclysm, usually for the
glorification of a monarch to whom the salvation of the country is
ascribed.[5]
Well, that’s pretty bizarre! Handy, too. A bunch of guys spend their
lives trying to validate the history and chronology of these people,
and when it doesn’t agree with what they want to believe about it,
it can be consigned to “literary fiction.” And of course, this means
that what is or is not “literary fiction” can be completely
arbitrary according to the needs of the Egyptologist!
Based on this “cryptographic” interpretation,
Sturt Manning contends
that the text on the verso of the Rhind papyrus is not about a “real
storm” or climatological event, but that it is about “the
restoration of the Egyptian state to the order and station of the
Middle Kingdom - after the dislocation (all-wrecking storm) of the Hyksos era, and the destruction of Middle Kingdom shrines…One might
even argue that the whole Theban text is a symbolic encoding of Ahmose’s
defeat of the Hyksos…”[6]
I must say that I was rather astonished to read such a remark.
Part of Manning’s (and others’) arguments have to do with keeping
the 18th dynasty cleanly separated from the time of the Hyksos. No
overlapping is to be allowed here despite the fact that Manetho
clearly said that the Hyksos dynasties were concurrent with the
Theban dynasties. We can’t have Ahmose experiencing something that
has been dated by the experts to well before Ahmose was born! Let’s
have a look at how famed Egyptologist Gardner has described the
problem of the dynasties in question.
Since the passage of Time shows no break in continuity, nothing but
some momentous event or sequence of events can justify a particular
reign being regarded as inaugurating an era. What caused Sobeknofru,
or Sobeknofrure’ as later sources call her, to be taken as closing Dyn. XII will doubtless never be known. But the
Turin Canon, the Saqqara king-list, and Manetho are unanimous on the point.
The Abydos list jumps straight from Ammenemes IV
to the first king
of Dyn.XVIII. The date of Amosis I, the founder of Dyn. XVIII, being
fixed with some accuracy, the interval from 1786 to 1575 BC must be
accepted as the duration of the Second Intermediate Period. This is
an age the problems of which are even more intractable than those of
the First. Before entering upon details, it will be well to note
that the general pattern of these two dark periods is roughly the
same. Both begin with a chaotic series of insignificant native
rulers. In both, intruders from Palestine cast their shadow over the
Delta and even into the Valley. Also in both, relief comes at last
from a hardy race of Theban princes, who after quelling internal
dissension expel the foreigner and usher in a new epoch of immense
power and prosperity.
Some account has already been given of the formidable difficulties
here confronting us, but these must now be discussed at length. As
usual we start with Manetho. The Thirteenth Dynasty according to
him, was Diospolite (Theban) and consisted of sixty kings who
reigned for 453 years. The Fourteenth Dynasty counted seventy-six
kings from Xois, the modern Sakha in the central Delta, with a total
of 184 or, as an alternative reading, 484 years. For Dyns. XV to
XVII there is divergence between Africanus and Eusebius, while a
much simpler account is preserved by the Jewish historian Josephus
in what purports to be a verbatim extract from Manetho’s own
writing.
For our present purpose the data supplied by Africanus must suffice.
His Fifteenth Dynasty consists of six foreign so-called ‘Shepherd’
or Hyksos kings, whose domination lasted 284 years. The Sixteenth
Dynasty consisted of Shepherd kings again, thirty-two in number
totaling 518 years. Lastly, in the Seventeenth Dynasty Shepherd
kings and Theban kings reigned concurrently, forty-three of each
line altogether 151 years. Adding these figures, but adopting the
lower number of years given for Dyn. XIV, we obtain 217 kings
covering a stretch of 1590 years, over seven times the duration to
which acceptance of the Sothic date in the El-Lahun papyrus has
committed us.
To abandon 1786 BC as the year when Dyn. XII ended would be to cast
adrift from our only firm anchor, a course that would have serious
consequences for the history, not of Egypt alone, but of the entire
Middle East.[7]
Gardner’s problem, as he states it above, is that the numbers of
kings and years of reign given by the sources of Manetho result in
"a stretch of 1590 years, over seven times the duration to which
acceptance of the Sothic date in the El-Lahun papyrus has committed
us."
Remember what we said about scientific hypotheses in an earlier
chapter? In doing good “science,” a researcher must be aware of this
tendency to be fooled by his own mind - his own wishes. And, a good
scientist, because he is aware of this, must scrutinize things he
wishes to accept as fact in a more or less “unemotional” state, as
far as is possible. Things must be challenged, taken apart,
compared, tested for their ability to explain other things of a like
nature, and if a flaw is found, no matter how small, if it is firmly
established as a flaw, the hypothesis must be killed. That does not
mean, of course, that the next hypothesis we make has to be
radically different; it may just need a slight expansion of
parameters. As Thomas Edison pointed out, before he invented the
light bulb, he discovered 99 ways how not to make a light bulb.
Hypotheses ought to be the same. If the observations or facts don’t
fit, it’s not the end of the world. One just has to be flexible and
try to think of ways that the hypothesis can be adjusted.
The problem is that Egyptologists do not adjust the hypothesis
except by shedding of blood. They prefer to twist the facts so that
square pegs are pounded into round holes. In fact, Egyptologists did
not start out with a hypothesis; they started with a “convention.”
This means that they decided what would be firmly accepted and
anything that did not fit, had to be either discarded, or forced to
fit the convention.
It strikes me that Gardner didn’t even notice the clues to the
solution of the problem: the two "intermediate periods" in question,
being almost identical in so many respects, might very well be the
same, single period! That would mean that the Abydos list was,
essentially, correct when it "jumps straight from Ammenemes IV to
the first king of Dyn.XVIII." Perhaps Sobeknofrure was identical to
Hatshepsut?
Egypt’s Middle Kingdom has conventionally been dated to some 4000
years ago, largely on the basis of documents that are interpreted to
indicate a heliacal rising of Sirius on Pharmuthi 16 in Year 7 of
Sesostris III (1871 BC). Sesostris was also known as
Senuseret.
The 12th Dynasty was a family of kings typically given dates in the
mid-20th to mid-18th century BC and consisted of
8 rulers:
-
Amenemhat
I
-
Senuseret I
-
Amenemhat II
-
Senuseret II
-
Senuseret III
-
Amenemhat
III
-
Amenemhat IV
-
Neferusobek, or Sobeknofrure, a
woman who, in one
of the few depictions of her in statuary, is shown with normal
breasts, and without a false beard as Hatshepsut was depicted
Regarding Hatshepsut, we discover that she was said to be the fifth
ruler of the 18th Dynasty, and was the daughter of Thutmose I and
Queen Ahmose. Hatshepsut disappeared, supposedly, when Thutmose III,
wishing to reclaim the throne, led a revolt. Thutmose had her
shrines, statues and reliefs mutilated.
When we consider the careers of both Sesostris III and Thutmose I,
we find them to be remarkably similar, right down to being succeeded
by a daughter. I suggest that they were one and the same person.
One of the many problems of sorting out Egyptian chronology is the
fact that the individuals in question used many names for many
reasons. In fact, it seems as though many of the names were actually
titles, such as Thutmosis, which would be “son of Thoth.” There is
also Ramesses, which is “son of Ra.” It is hardly likely that the
chief god would change with each king as often as these titles
suggest. It is far more likely that each king was a “Thutmosis” and
a “Ramesses.” Of course, in a certain sense, that complicates things
a bit. But, in another sense, it simplifies them.
Just to give a specific example: in conventional chronology, we find
that King Ahmose married his sister, Ahmose-Nefertari, daughter of
Sekenenre II and Queen Ahotep. His son, Amenhotep I, co-reigned with
Nefertari, though he supposedly married a Queen Senseneb. Their son,
Thutmosis I ALSO married Princess Ahmose, daughter of
Queen Ahotep,
which, of course, means that Queen Ahotep must have also been
married to his father, Amenhotep I, who was said to have been the
son of Ahmose-Nefertari, making Queen Ahotep his grandmother.
Well, I’m my own grandpa!
It’s a bit simpler to consider the idea that Ahmose and Thutmosis I
were one and the same individual.
The original reason for the identification of Kamose and Ahmose
as
brothers is a statue of a prince who is the son of King Tao and a
certain Ahhotep. It is generally assumed that the king is Tao II and
the queen is King Ahmose’s mother Ahhotep who is well-attested
elsewhere. The problem is that Kamose came between Tao and
Ahmose,
therefore it seems logical to assign Kamose as the older brother.
But here we come to the problem with Ahhotep. The exact relationship
of Kamose to the royal family is also a bit problematic.
Vandersleyen suggests that Kamose might have been the uncle rather
than the brother of Ahmose.[8]
Other evidence from the cranio-facial studies by Wente and Harris
[9]
shows that Ahmose is not close enough to the skeletal forms of
Sekenenre Tao or Amenhotep I to be the son of the one or the father
of the other. The remains of Kamose were destroyed upon their
discovery in 1857, so they could not be included in the study.
Finally, we come to a most interesting fact. Donald B. Redford notes
that the tying of Kamose to the royal family of Sekenenre Tao was a
Ramesside development.[10] Why would the Ramesside rulers even care
unless they had a vested interest? And what could their interest be
except to validate their own progenitor: Horemheb?
We note that King Amosis asserts his own parents to have been the
children of the same mother and father, a classical example of
brother and sister marriage. As we have noted above, these parents
are assumed to be Ahhotep and Sekenenre Ta’o II. Ahhotep, Ta’o II’s
queen, supposedly attained to even greater celebrity than her
mother. A great stela found at Karnak, after heaping eulogies upon
her son Amosis I, its dedicator, goes on to exhort all his subjects
to do her reverence. In this curious passage she is praised as
having rallied the soldiery of Egypt, and as having put a stop to
rebellion. One thinks, of course, of Hatshepsut and Sobeknofrure.
Kamose’s tomb was the last of the row inspected by the Ramesside
officials, but later the mummy was removed in its coffin to a spot
just south of the entrance of the Wady leading to the Tombs of the
Kings, where it was found by Mariette’s workmen in 1857. The coffin
was not gilded, but of the feathered rishi type employed for
non-royal personages of the period.
Horemheb’s tomb was discovered in 1907/08 by Theodore Davis. Bones
were found in the tomb, some still in the sarcophagus, but others
had been thrown into other rooms. The mummies belonging to Horemheb
and his queen had not been recovered in the cache of kings, and so
it seems likely that these pathetic remains are all that is left of
this particular pharaoh and his queen (although there some
inspection graffiti on a door jamb within the tomb that can cast a
little uncertainty on this assumption). If a correct and proper
excavation had been undertaken at the time, perhaps more questions
might be answered, but Davis and his team were true to form of the
early "egyptologists" - greedy and careless and determined to prove
their theories more than to find out facts - and much of the
evidence has been lost.
We can note that the mummy of Amenhotep III - father of Amenhotep
IV, also known as Akhenaten - was actually “found” in the tomb of
Amenhotep II. It was supposedly moved there for protection, which is
a reasonable explanation. The point is, the provenance of so many
things Egyptian cannot be firmly established and that means one must
be even more aware of the tendency to muddle things up by adopting
wrong hypotheses.
Part of the problem of sorting out the different kings and dynasties
is, I think, that we have the problem of what, exactly, constituted
a “king” during those times. It is beginning to seem likely that
many of the kings whose tombs have been found, who memorialized
themselves, or were memorialized by their families, were little more
than local rulers, or even just glorified puppets of a still higher
king.
Another interesting item is the fact that a proposal to extract DNA
samples from different mummies to see what the familial
relationships really might have been was halted by the Egyptian
government.
Egypt has indefinitely postponed DNA tests designed to throw light
on questions that have intrigued archaeologists for years: Who was
Tutankhamun’s father, and was he of royal blood? The head of Egypt’s
Supreme Council of Antiquities, Gaballah Ali Gaballah, said Tuesday
that plans for DNA tests on the mummies of Tutankhamun and his
presumed grandfather, Amenhotep III, had been canceled.
“There will
be no test now and we have to see if there will be one later,” Gaballah told
The Associated Press. He declined to give a reason.
[…]
The announcement of the planned tests had sparked a controversy
among Egyptian archaeologists. Some said they were an unnecessary
risk that might harm the mummies. Others said the results might be
used to rewrite Egyptian history.
“I have refused in the past to
allow foreign teams to carry out such tests on the bones of the
Pyramids builders because there are some people who try to tamper
with Egyptian history,” the chief archaeologist of the Giza
pyramids, Zahi Hawass , told the Akhbar Al-Yom weekly.[11]
The above news release is more interesting and mysterious than might
be initially thought since Tutankhamen was undoubtedly the son of
the Heretic king, Akhenaten and Nefertiti who may, indeed, have been
Abraham’s Sarai which would mean that she was also the putative
mother of "Isaac," the patriarch of the Jews.
The tomb of Tutankhamun was undoubtedly the greatest archaeological
discovery of all time, yet everyone knows this remarkable find was
beset by troubles. The untimely death of Lord Carnarvon just after
the opening of the tomb, and his appetite for the occult, swiftly
gave rise to rumours of a curse. Also, the presence of certain art
treasures in museums across the United States provides evidence that
Howard Carter and his aristocratic patron removed priceless objects
from the tomb [illegally].
What is not so well known is that among the wonderful treasures
Carter and Carnarvon unearthed were also rumoured to be
papyri that
held the true account of the biblical Exodus of the Israelites from
Egypt.
Why did Carter threaten to reveal this volatile information to the
public at a meeting with a British official in Cairo shortly after
the discovery of the tomb? At a time when Arab hostility towards
Britain’s support for the establishment of a Jewish homeland in
Palestine was spilling onto the streets of Jerusalem and Jaffa, such
actions on the part of the hot-headed Englishman could have caused
untold chaos across the Middle East.[12]
The only thing I can think of that would make it imperative to
conceal the "true story of the Exodus" by the British government
would be because in some way, such information would have put a
period to the Jewish claim to the "Promised Land."
It may also have
put a period to Judaism and Christianity altogether.
The fact is that most of the early Egyptologists came to their
subject as committed, if not fanatical, Christians. They sought to
use Egypt as a means of expanding and supporting the Biblical
narrative. Many of them saw Akhenaten as the inspired founder of a
pre-Christian monotheistic religion, and his faith in one god made
him a figure of admiration.
To the early scholars in the field, Akhenaten was "The first
individual in History," [Breasted]; to Toynbee his sun-cult was a
prototype of the Roman imperial Sol Invictus; to Freud, he became a
mentor of the Hebrew lawgiver, Moses. To some, Akhenaten
was a
forerunner of Christ or otherwise a great mystic.
Such ideas took shape and moved farther and farther away from the
primary sources and it keeps growing like a fungus. As Donald
Redford says, "one must constantly return to the original sources
[…] in order to avoid distortion."
Our knowledge of Egypt has to be gleaned from a random assortment of
archaeological remains, a great deal of religious and mortuary art
and architecture, supplemented by a small collection of historical
documents. The Amarna period, the time of Akhenaten, is particularly
difficult because it seems that all of Egypt sought to erase the
memory of Akhenaten from the individual and collective
consciousness. Akhenaten was hated, and apparently, so was
Nefertiti.
The first five years of Akhenaten’s reign actually represents a
startling discontinuity in historical knowledge. So thoroughly were
the memorials of this period eradicated - whether temple reliefs,
steles, or tombs - that little remains to tell the story. In other
words, historically speaking, no connected narrative is even
possible. So complete was the destruction of the Amarna remains by
the pharaoh Horemheb, that quite literally, no stone was left
standing upon another.
Horemheb was the fourteenth king of the 18th Dynasty. He was chief
of the army during Tutankhamun’s reign. When Tutankhamun died,
Ay
apparently usurped the throne. Ay favored Horemheb and kept him on
as a military leader. When Ay died without an heir, Horemheb was
made king. Restoring order was his main objective. Once
accomplished, Horemheb moved to Memphis and began work on internal
affairs. He returned properties of the temples to the rightful
priests and lands to the rightful owners. He had restoration
projects and building additions in Karnak. He erected shrines and a
temple to Ptah. He built tombs at Thebes, in the
Valley of the
Kings, and Memphis. He was noted for admonishing high-ranking
officials against cheating the poor and misappropriating the use of
slaves and properties. He promised the death penalty for such
offenses.
Nothing tears the mask from the Amarna Age like the Edict of Reform.
The picture conjured up is not like the beautiful relief scenes at
Karnak or Akhetaten. Gone are the elegant ladies and gentlemen,
bowing low before a benign monarch beneath the Sun-disc, his father;
in their place emergy starkly an army allowed to run riot, a
destitute peasantry, and corrupt judges. It may be maintained that
these conditions could only have prevailed at the close of the
period of heresy, but the evidence opposes any such defense. The
withdrawal and the subsequent isolation of the head of state and his
court, which clearly brought on the anarchy, must be laid to the
charge of Akhenaten himself.[13]
Horemheb had no heir so he appointed a military leader to succeed
him. That leader was Ramesses I and that was when the "sorting of
the mummies" began. One can only wonder if some of the confusion
that exists today isn’t due to the deliberate attempt on the part of
Horemheb and his Ramesside heirs to simply create a new history?
One interesting fact to note about the 18th dynasty is that,
artistically and in every other way, it appears to be the
continuation of the 12th dynasty. If we consider the idea that the
Hyksos kings ruled concurrently with a Southern Egyptian dynasty,
this factor then begins to make sense.
Manetho, quoted by Eusebius, Africanus, and Josephus, presents a
very messy history of the Second Intermediate Period, with
impossibly long lengths of reign for Dynasties XIII-XVII, and a
confusing picture of which group of kings belonged to which dynasty.
I think that it is entirely possible that a misunderstanding of what
he wrote led to errors among those who quoted him; i.e. Eusebius,
Africanus, and Josephus; all of whom had an axe to grind. And, for
all we know, Manetho had an agenda as well.
The problem seems to lie in the fact that, in its original form,
Manetho’s Second Intermediate Period consisted of five dynasties,
three Theban and two Hyksos which were not sequential, but rather
concurrent. Manetho said this, but it has been rejected. It seems
that, in order to indicate which dynasties served concurrently, and
which dynasties served consecutively, a series of subtotals was used
and this practice was misunderstood by those who quoted Manetho.
They thought they were looking at a sequential lists of kings
interspersed with summaries and subtotals. They thought that the
summaries were additional groups of kings. As a result, Africanus,
Eusebius, and Josephus committed grave errors in their citations of
Manetho. This led to a number of errors, such as Africanus’s mixing
together Hyksos and Theban kings into one dynasty, and
Africanus and
Eusebius disagreeing as to whether a dynasty was Hyksos or
Theban,
or how many years it reigned.
Getting back to our problem, it seems that what we are dealing with
is a rather restricted time frame in which the Middle Bronze age
came to a cataclysmic end, the Hyksos were ejected from Egypt, and
these events did not occur in the middle of the 15th century BC, but
rather over 200 years earlier. We also find that the curious
“cryptographic writing” of the 18th dynasty fits a model that
includes the end of the Middle Bronze Age and extraordinary climatological events.
The archaeological excavations of the Islands of Santorini and
Crete
demonstrate that the destruction of the Middle Bronze Age
civilization occurred in two phases which would account for the
turmoil in the time of Hatshepsut, followed by a second period of
disruption at the time of Akhenaten. This coincides with the fact
that there were indications of climatological anomalies as early as
1644 BC, leading up to the final disaster of the eruption of Thera
in 1628 BC, followed by climatological disruption for the following
forty years or so. The evidence on Santorini and
Crete show that
there was initial volcanic activity - earthquakes - followed by
rebuilding and habitation for some time before the final, decisive
eruption of Thera at least one or two generations later! That there
was some warning of the impending eruption is verified by the fact
that no bodies were found in the several meters thick layer of
pumice that buried the town of Akrotiri. Also, since portable
precious items were missing, it seems safe to assume, therefore,
that the population abandoned the town in haste.
-
The Dilmun civilization of Bahrain is said to have existed from 3200
BC until 1600 BC.
-
The Indus Valley civilization is said to have
ended around 1700 to 1600 BC.
-
The Great Babylonian Empire ended
around 1600 BC.
-
The Middle Kingdom in Egypt is said to have ended
around 1600 BC (though we now think that the 18th dynasty was the
last of the Middle Kingdom dynasties).
-
The Xia Dynasty in China
ended in 1600 BC.
-
The use of Stonehenge ended around 1600 BC.
In
nearly every case, the end of the civilization and the mass
destruction read in the record unearthed by the spade is ascribed to
war and rampaging Sea Peoples or tribes of barbarians on the march.
Two of the most influential German scholars, von Rad and Noth, have
argued that,
“The Exodus and
Sinai traditions and the events behind
them were originally unrelated to one another.”[14]
Von Rad pointed
out that the Sinai covenant in the Feast of Tabernacles was
celebrated at Shechem while the settlement tradition was celebrated
at Gilgal with the Feast of Weeks. Von Rad also noted that the
salvation history was strikingly silent about the Sinai events in
Deuteronomy 26. It was then proposed that early Israel was actually
a tribal league more or less like city-state confederations later
attested in Greece and Italy and known to the Greeks as
“amphictyonies.”[15] If such tribal groups were later amalgamated
during the reign of Hezekiah, it would then be necessary to “create”
a national history, utilizing the available oral traditions. And
this is, of course, where it becomes most interesting because it
seems that at least one small group - Abraham and his wife Sarai -
had a series of experiences during these times that was utterly
extraordinary.
There are various suggestions as to where Mt. Sinai really was.
Jewish tradition seems to place Mt. Sinai in Arabia. Demetrius
stated that Dedan was Jethro’s ancestor which is identified with the
oasis of el-’Ela, and when Moses went to Midian he stayed in
Arabia.[16]
In 1954 Mendenhall put forth the idea that the Sinai covenant is
similar to the Hittite suzerainty treaties. There does seem to be
clear parallels between the Sinai covenant and ancient suzerainty
treaties, and ancient tribal leagues did exist.
In Josephus’ book Antiquities of the Jews he placed
Sinai where the
city of Madiane was.[17] In the Babylonian Talmud
[18] R. Huna and R. Hisda say,
“the Holy One, blessed be He, ignored all the mountains
and heights and caused His Shechinah to abide upon Mount Sinai.”
According to Old Testament passages
Mt. Sinai is identified with Seir and Mt. Paran. Deuteronomy 33:2 says,
“The Lord came from
Sinai, and rose up from Seir unto them; he shined forth from mount
Paran.” [19]
It seems that the itinerary that was followed in Numbers
33:18-36 locates Sinai in northern Arabia. Midian was also located
here where Moses lived with Jethro, priest of Midian, for forty
years.[20] De Vaux believed that the theophany of Sinai was a
description of a volcanic eruption in northern Arabia because Exodus
19:18 describes the mountain like a furnace of smoke. From a
distance it would look like a pillar of cloud in the day, and a
pillar of fire at night. Following this cloud of smoke would lead
them right to the volcano.
The only problem is, there are no volcanoes in Sinai. There are
several in northern Arabia, but we come back again to the fact that
the only known large eruption around this time is Santorini on the
Greek island of Thera. On this point, we discover an intriguing
passage in The Histories of Tacitus:
The Jews are said to have been refugees from the island of Crete who
settled in the remotest corner of Libya in the days when, according
to the story, Saturn was driven from his throne by the aggression of
Jupiter. This is a deduction from the name Judaei by which they
became known: the word is to be regarded as a barbarous lengthening
of Idaei, the name of the people dwelling around the famous Mount
Ida in Crete.
A few authorities hold that in the reign of Isis the surplus
population of Egypt was evacuated to neighboring lands under the
leadership of Hierosolymus and Judas.[21] Many assure us that the
Jews are descended from those Ethiopians who were driven by fear and
hatred to emigrate from their home country when Cepheus was
king.[22] There are some who say that a motley collection of
landless Assyrians occupied a part of Egypt, and then built cities
of their own, inhabiting the lands of the Hebrews and the nearer
parts of Syria.[23] Others again find a famous ancestry for the Jews
in the Solymi who are mentioned with respect in the epics of
Homer:[24] this tribe is supposed have founded Jerusalem and named
it after themselves.
Most authorities, however, agree on the following account. The whole
of Egypt was once plagued by a wasting disease which caused bodily
disfigurement. So Pharaoh Bocchoris [25] went to the oracle of
Hammon to ask for a cure, and was told to purify his kingdom by
expelling the victims to other lands, as they lay under a divine
curse. Thus a multitude of sufferers was rounded up, herded
together, and abandoned in the wilderness. Here the exiles tearfully
resigned themselves to their fate. But one of them, who was called
Moses, urged his companions not to wait passively for help from god
or man, for both had deserted them: they should trust to their own
initiative and to whatever guidance first helped them to extricate
themselves from their present plight. They agreed, and started off
at random into the unknown.
But exhaustion set in, chiefly through lack of water, and the level
plain was already strewn with the bodies of those who had collapsed
and were at their last gasp when a herd of wild asses left their
pasture and made for the spade of a wooded crag. Moses followed them
and was able to bring to light a number of abundant channels of
water whose presence he had deduced from a grassy patch of ground.
This relieved their thirst. They traveled on for six days without a
break, and on the seventh they expelled the previous inhabitants of
Canaan, took over their lands and in them built a holy city and
temple.
In order to secure the allegiance of his people in the future, Moses
prescribed for them a novel religion quite different from those of
the rest of mankind. Among the Jews all things are profane that we
hold sacred; on the other hand they regard as permissible what seems
to us immoral. In the innermost part of the Temple, they consecrated
an image of the animal which had delivered them from their wandering
and thirst, choosing a ram as beast of sacrifice to demonstrate, so
it seems, their contempt for Hammon.[26] The bull is also offered
up, because the Egyptians worship it as Apis. They avoid eating pork
in memory of their tribulations, as they themselves were once
infected with the disease to which this creature is subject.[27]
They still fast frequently as an admission of the hunger they once
endured so long, and to symbolize their hurried meal the bread eaten
by the Jews is unleavened. We are told that the seventh day was set
aside for rest because this marked the end of their toils. […]
Others say that this is a mark of respect to Saturn, either because
they owe the basic principles of their religion to the Idaei, who,
we are told, were expelled in the company of Saturn and
became the
founders of the Jewish race, or because, among the seven stars that
rule mankind, the one that describes the highest orbit and exerts
the greatest influence is Saturn. A further argument is that most of
the heavenly bodies complete their path and revolutions in multiples
of seven. […]
Rather than cremate their dead, they prefer to bury them in
imitation of the Egyptian fashion, and they have the same concern
and beliefs about the world below. But their conception of heavenly
things is quite different. The Egyptians worship a variety of
animals and half-human, half-bestial forms, whereas the Jewish
religion is a purely spiritual monotheism. They hold it to be
impious to make idols of perishable materials in the likeness of
man: for them, the Most High and Eternal cannot be portrayed by
human hands and will never pass away. For this reason they erect no
images in their cities, still less in their temples. Their kings are
not so flattered, the Roman emperors not so honored. However, their
priests used to perform their chants to the flute and drums, crowned
with ivy, and a golden vine was discovered in the Temple; and this
has led some to imagine that the god thus worshipped was Prince Liber [28], the conqueror of the East. But the two cults are
diametrically opposed. Liber founded a festive and happy cult: the
Jewish belief is paradoxical and degraded.[29]
Regarding the “hearsay” recitation of Tacitus is that he states
quite clearly that the nation of Israel was an amalgamation of
tribes, including people who had once lived on Crete, who brought a
volcano story with them, and another most unusual group that had
been expelled from Egypt under very peculiar circumstances, bringing
an altogether different story to the mix. Tacitus’ record of this
group, its expulsion, and the fact that he has connected them to
King Bocchoris is an important clue.
The pagan story of the flood of Ogyges and its relationship to the
story of Noah was a problem for biblical commentators, as was that
of the later flood of Deucalion, which Deucalion survived with his
wife by floating in a large chest. Eusebius tells us that
Ogyges
“lived at the same time of the Exodus from Egypt.”[30]
In the past scholars concluded that Ahmose must have caused the
destruction of the Middle Bronze Age, but Redford has shown that
Ahmoses’ campaign was restricted to Sharuhen and its neighborhood to
punish the Hyksos.[31] The first substantial campaign against inland
Palestine was by Thutmose III.[32] From a survey of the central hill
country Finkelstein does not connect the Egyptian conquest with the
end of the Middle Bronze Age. He states:
“There is no solid
archaeological evidence that many sites across the country were
destroyed simultaneously, and such campaigns would fail to explain
the wholesale abandonment of hundreds of small rural settlements in
the remote parts of the land.” [33]
Again, what I am suggesting is that the 18th dynasty of Egypt was
not only the continuation of the 12th dynasty in Southern Egypt, but
that it ran concurrently with the last Hyksos dynasty, the 15th
dynasty, that it ended simultaneously with the expulsion of the
Hyksos.
Now, I am not even going to attempt to sort out all the assumed or
presumably confirmed family relationships of the Egyptian dynasties.
For our present purposes, the Egyptian chronology is only important
insofar as it enables us to sort out those matters that might lead
to the identification of the Ark of the Covenant and its possible wherabouts during certain periods of the past. This period of time
is that surrounding the eruption of Thera, the fall of Avaris and
the END of the 18th dynasty.
I want to remind the reader of the problem defined by Gardner which
was that the numbers of kings and years of reign given by the
sources of Manetho result in "a stretch of 1590 years, over seven
times the duration to which acceptance of the Sothic date in the
El-Lahun papyrus has committed us."
Gardner tells us why this just can’t be:
To abandon 1786 BC as the year when Dyn. XII ended would be to cast
adrift from our only firm anchor, a course that would have serious
consequences for the history, not of Egypt alone, but of the entire
Middle East.[34]
Sothis: The Sharp Toothed
As it happens, all the archaeological dating in the Mediterranean
has been suspended upon Egyptian chronology under the influence of
foundations laid by believers in the Biblical chronology. What is
more, all of their dates rely upon two major assumptions: the Sothic
Cycle and the identification of the Egyptian King Shoshenq I with
the Biblical King Shishak, the Egyptian ruler who came against
Rehoboam and took “all” the treasures of Solomon’s Temple and
“Solomon’s house.”
It is understood that Manetho only included 30 dynasties, the 31st
being added later for the sake of completeness. However, the fact
is, there are no original copies of The Egyptian History by
Manetho.
All we have of his work are excerpts cited by Josephus, the Jewish
historian of the first century AD, and by two important Christian
chronographers, Sextus Julius Africanus (3rd century AD), and
Eusebius (4th century AD). George the Monk,
Syncellus, used both
Africanus and Eusebius extensively as his sources in his history of
the world written in 800 AD. It is fairly easy to realize that all
three of these men had agendas. We also note, once again, the period
of time in which they were writing, and the fruits of their efforts
in terms of the imposition of Christianity based on the platform of
Judaism, the ultimate arbiter of the "you are doomed" linear view of
Time.
It is regularly claimed that Egyptian chronology is based on
“astronomical dating.” What does this mean? It actually means that
Egyptian dating is based on a theory that the Egyptians used
astronomical dating. But many people do not realize this and believe
that Egyptian chronology is actually based on astronomy. The fact is
there are astronomically fixed Near Eastern dates, but they are not
Egyptian dates. Two Babylonian cuneiform tablets have been found,
each one filled with an entire year of data on the sun, planets, and
eclipses. These dates fix two years: part of 568 / 567 B.C. and part
of 523 / 522 B.C. Those are our oldest astronomically fixed dates.
There is one other older Near Eastern eclipse, noted by the
Assyrians, which has enough partial data to fix it at one of two
years: it applies either to 763 BC or 791 BC. But experts do not
agree on which date this eclipse occurred.
When we dig even deeper into these dating assumptions, we find that
the main peg upon which the assumptions are hung is called the
“Sothic cycle.”
What is the Sothic cycle?
The experts tell us that the Egyptian civil year had 365 days - 3
seasons (Akhet, Peret, Shemu), 4 months each with 30 days per month.
To this, they added 5 additional epagomenal days. Since the actual
orbit of the earth around the sun takes 365 and about a quarter
days, this calendar falls behind by one day every four years.
Nowadays, we correct this by adding an extra day every four years in
a “leap year.” However, if no calendar corrections are made, such a
year would soon create significant problems (the experts say.) How
the Egyptians dealt with this was a matter of some conjecture, and
it was finally decided that they corrected their calendar every 1460
years at the time of the heliacal rising of Sirius.
Where did this idea come from?
Our information on the alleged Sothic cycle depends largely on the
late classical writers Censorinus (ca. 238 AD) and Theon (379-395
AD). Sir William Flinders Petrie writes, referring to a table of
purported observations of Sirius:
Now in going backward the first great datum that we meet is that on
the back of the medical Ebers papyrus, where it is stated that
Sirius rose on the 9th of Epiphi in the 9th year of Amenhotep I. As
the 9th of Epiphi is 56 days before the 1st of Thoth, Sirius rose on
that day at 4 X 56 years (224) before the dates at the head of the
first column. As only 1322 B.C. can be the epoch here, so 1322 + 224
= 1546 B.C. for the 9th year of Amenhotep I, or 1554 B.C. for his
accession. And as Aahmes I reigned 25 years, we reach 1579 B.C. for
the accession of Aahmes and the beginning of the XVIIIth dynasty.
This is not defined within a few years owing to four years being the
equivalent of only one day’s shift; owing to the rising being
perhaps observed in a different part of Egypt at different times;
owing to various minor astronomical details. But this gives us 1580
B.C. as the approximate date for the great epoch of the rise of the
XVIIIth dynasty. [35]
We will soon discover that there is significant reason to discard
the above dates, but for now, we can just notice that even with such
a great system, Petrie - as did Gardner - is still having some
problems here.
Before that we next find another Sirius rising and two seasonal
dates in the XIIth dynasty, and an indication of a season in the
VIth dynasty. The most exact of these early dates is a rising of
Sirius on the 17th of Pharmuthi in the 7th year of Senusert III, on
a papyrus from Kahun. This is now in Berlin, and was published by
BORCHARDT in Zeits. Aeg. Spr., xxxvii, 99-101. This shows that the
17th of Pharmuthi then fell on July 21st, which gives the 7th year
of Senusert III at 1874 or 3334 B.C. As he reigned probably to his
38th year, he died 1843 or 3303 B.C. Amenemhat III reigned 44 years
by his monuments, Amenemhat IV 9 years, and Sebekneferu 4 years by
the Turin papyrus; these reigns bring the close of the XIIth dynasty
to 1786 or 3246 B.C. We have, then, to decide by the internal
evidence of the monuments of the kings which of these dates is
probable, by seeing whether the interval of the XIIIth to XVIIth
dynasties was 1,786 - 1,580 = 206 years, or else 1,666 years. This
question has been merely ignored hitherto, and it has been assumed
by all the Berlin school that the later date is the only one
possible, and that the interval was only 206 years.[36]
Please notice that this only other “Sirius rising” is dated to
either 1874 or 3334 BC. That’s quite a jump. You would think that in
all those thousands of years, if they observed this every year, they
would write it down more often. But Petrie struggles on mightily to
fit the square peg in the round hole:
Setting aside altogether for the present the details of the list of
Manetho, let us look only to the monuments, and the Turin papyrus of
kings, which was written with full materials concerning this age,
with a long list of kings, and only two or three centuries later
than the period in question. On the monuments we have the names of
17 kings of the XIIIth dynasty. In the Turin papyrus there are the
lengths of reigns of 9 kings, amounting to 67 years, or 7 years each
on an average. If we apply this average length of reign to only the
17 kings whose reigns are proved by monuments, we must allow them
120 years; leaving out of account entirely about 40 kings in the
Turin papyrus, as being not yet known on monuments.
Of the Hyksos
kings we know of the monuments of three certainly; and without here
adopting the long reigns stated by Manetho, we must yet allow at
least 30 years for these kings. And in the XVIIth dynasty there are
at least the reigns of Kames and Sekhent.neb.ra, which cover
probably 10 years. […]This leaves us but 46 years, out of the 206
years, to contain 120 kings named by the Turin papyrus, and all the
Hyksos conquest and domination, excepting 30 years named above.
This is apparently an impossible state of affairs; and those who
advocate this shorter interval are even compelled to throw over the
Turin papyrus altogether, and to say that within two or three
centuries of the events an entirely false account of the period was
adopted as the state history of the Egyptians.
This difficulty has been so great that many scholars in Germany, and
every one in the rest of Europe, have declined to accept this view.
If, however, the Sirius datum is to be respected, we should be
obliged to allow either 206 or else 1,666 years between the XIIth
and XVIIIth dynasties. As neither of these seemed probable courses,
it has been thought that the Sirius datum itself was possibly in
error, and here the matter has rested awaiting fresh evidence. [37]
At this point, Petrie has almost fallen on his face on the very clue
that would lead him out of the dilemma. To see him state it so
clearly, and then just stumble on in the dark is almost painful.
What do I mean? I mean that perhaps Sothis is not Sirius. And
perhaps the “Sothic Cycle” was something altogether different.
To be clear, let’s look at these assumptions. First, it is assumed
that a Sothic calendar was used in Egypt. We do not know that for a
fact. We only know it because Censorinus said so. Censorinus wrote
his idea rather late to be considered so great an authority. He was
a Roman living in the third century AD who wrote de Die Natali, a
work on ancient methods of computing time. What is more, Censorinus
was highly praised by Cassiodorus, a converted Christian of about
two centuries later, so we discover here that Censorinus’ work was
very likely preserved because it was “approved,” while other works
that may have contradicted his ideas may be lost to us.
The next big problem is the assumption of the beginning date of the
Sothic cycle of 1,460-years. Again, Censorinus’ word was accepted
despite the endless problems this assumption has created. As it
happens, when one begins to investigate the issue more thoroughly,
it is found that the dates based on this theoretical Sothic calendar
do not agree with one another.[38]
In the end, we find that the most fundamental problem of all is that
it is an assumption of modern Egyptologists that the word they have
translated in the observations listed above - spd.t - is even Sirius
at all! A lot of people are sure that this is exactly what the
Egyptians meant, but the fact is, no one really knows this for sure!
The word that is translated as Sothis could have been something
else! Another point is that, in the context above, it is not even
certain what “rising” means. It could mean a star, or it could mean
the rising of the river. It could also mean a ceremony that was to
be conducted called the “Raising of Sothis.”
As we discussed in a previous chapter regarding observational
astronomy, Sirius rises in the sky from any given vantage point once
every 24 hours, but it cannot be seen during those times when the
sun is in the sky. The so-called heliacal rising of Sirius would
have to occur at least 36 minutes before the sun comes up in order
to be seen, which presupposes a rather accurate time keeping method,
which obviates the entire argument about a Sothic cycle to begin
with.
Although it has been made the keystone of the absolute dating of
ancient history, the chronology of ancient Egypt rests on a host of
unproven assumptions. The whole structure is rendered even more
shaky by the lateness and the fragmentary nature of most of the
literary sources which are crucial for providing a skeleton for
Egyptian chronology.
As noted, the basic organization of Egyptian history around 31
dynasties begins from the work of Manetho compiled in the 3rd
century BC. Manetho’s records are supplemented and corrected by
records recovered from the ancient monuments and archeological
excavations of Egypt. Manetho’s work survives only in quotation.
John Brug writes in The Astronomical Dating of Ancient History
before 700 AD:
The use of astronomical calculations to decipher references to this
Sothic cycle in ancient Egyptian records forms the foundation of all
ancient chronology. Censorinus says:
‘The moon is not relevant to the “great year” of the Egyptians which
we call the “Year of the Dog” in Greek and the “Year of the
Little-Dog” in Latin, because it begins when the constellation or
star “Little-Dog” [allegedly the modern Canis Major or
Sirius] rises
on the first day of the month which the Egyptians call “Thouth”. For
their civil year has only 365 days without any intercalation. Thus a
quadrennium among them is about one day shorter than the natural
quadrennium, thus it is 1461 years before this “year” returns to the
same beginning point. This “year” is called “heliacal” by some and
“the divine year” by others.’ (Censorinus, De Die Natali, ch. 18,
my translation).
Censorinus’ statement certainly is not exhaustive. It gives us
little information about how this “great year” was used or when it
came into use. It is certainly open to debate how applicable this
description of the Egyptian calendar and astronomy is to the 2nd and
3rd millennia BC. It does not address the issue of changes in the
nature of the Egyptian calendar which may have occurred over the
millennia. We have no definite proof that the Egyptians were aware
of dating long eras by the Sothic cycle in the 2nd millennium BC.
Even if we grant that they did, we have no certain knowledge of the
date when any Sothic cycle began.
Most historians presently accept the claim that Censorinus places
the beginning of a Sothic cycle in about 140 AD and by extension in
1320 BC, 2780 BC and perhaps 4240 B.C. Censorinus says:
‘As among us so also among the Egyptians a number of “eras” are
referred to in their literature, such as that which they call “of
Nabonnasar” which began from the first year of his reign, which was
986 years ago. Another is called “of Philip” which is counted from
the death of Alexander the Great which was 562 years ago. But the
beginning of these is always from the first day of the month which
the Egyptians call Thoth, which this year fell on the 7th day before
the Calends of July [June 25], 100 years ago when Emperor Antoninus
Pius was consul for the second time, and Bruttius Praesens was the
other consul, the same day fell on the 12th [corrected to the 13th ]
day before the Calends of August [July 21, corrected to July 20] at
which time the “Little-Dog” usually rises in Egypt. Therefore it is
possible to know that of that great year, which as I wrote above is
called “solar” or “of the Little-Dog” or the “divine year,” now the
hundredth year has passed. I have noted the beginnings of these
years lest anyone think that they begin from January 1 or some other
time, since the starting points chosen by the originators of these
years are no less diverse than the opinions of philosophers. For
that reason the natural year is said to begin by some at the new
sun, that is the winter solstice, by others at the summer solstice,
by others at the vernal equinox and by others at the autumnal
equinox, by some at the rising of the Pleiades and by some at their
setting, by many at the rising of “the Dog.”’
(Censorinus, Ch. 21,
my translation).
Again it is noteworthy how little
Censorinus actually says and how
much is deduced from his statement. Censorinus is writing not to
establish a system of chronology, but to discuss various dates for
New Years Day in different cultures. He gives no specific date as
the starting point for a Sothic Cycle as he does for the other eras
which he mentions. All he does is give the date of the Julian
calendar on which the first of Thoth fell in the year of his
writing, which is well established as 238 or 239 AD and one hundred
years earlier in 139 AD. In 238 AD the first of Thoth fell on about
June 25 Julian. One hundred years earlier it fell on about July 20,
which is the date The Little-Dog (supposedly Sothis) usually rises
in Egypt. He seems to be referring to a conventional method of
dating more than to an actual observation of the rising of Sothis on
that date. […]
Besides lack of agreement of the time when a Sothic cycle began,
this theory also faces other uncertainties. It is not certain how
long a Sothic cycle lasts since there are other astronomic variables
involved besides the precise length of the solar year. Calculations
of the Sothic cycle have ranged from 1423 to 1506 years.
We do not know for sure with which star or constellation Sothis
should be identified for all periods of Egyptian history. It is
generally accepted that Sothis is the star which we call
Sirius,
although none of the sources gave any evidence for this from before
classical times. Porphry in De Antro Nym harum says,
“Near Cancer is
Sothis which the Greeks call the Dog.” Solinus Polyhistor says that
this star rises between July 19-21.
In Chapter 21 of his work, concerning
Isis and Osiris, Plutarch
says,
“The soul of Isis is called ‘Dog’ by the Greeks and the
soul
of Horus is called Orion.”
Since Sothis is identified with Isis in
other Egyptian texts, and Sirius is called the Dog in Greek, we
conclude that Sothis is the star which we-call Sirius. However there
are a number of difficulties. At least the second half of Plutarch’s
statement appears to be in error, because Orion is usually
associated with Osiris not Horus. According to some
Egyptologists
Egyptian astronomical names did not always remain attached to the
same celestial object. Osiris was first associated with
Venus; later Osiris was associated with
Jupiter. The planet Venus, which was
first identified with Osiris, was later identified with
Isis.
Sometimes “right eye” is a title of Isis-Hathor, sometimes it is a
title of the sun.
Plutarch also identifies Osiris with the constellation which the
Greeks call Argo. The hieroglyphic triangle which represents
Sothis
also appears to represent the zodiacal light, and the Egyptians
apparently knew both an Isis-Sothis and a Horus-Sothis. The term
wp
rnpt which refers to the rising of Sothis, also refers to the
beginning of the civil year and the birthday of the king. Even the
Greek word “Sirius” is not always attached to the same celestial
object. Similar shifts and uncertainties apply to the identification
of ancient astronomical names in general, for example, the
constellations in Job.
According to the English astronomer Poole, Sirius was not on the
horizon coincident with the rising of the sun on the Egyptian New
Year’s Day in 140 BC, the date specified by Censorinus and those who
follow him. Macnaughton set up a chronology based on the supposition
that Sothis was Spica, not Sirius, as a way around this difficulty.
Canopus and Venus are other candidates that have been suggested,
perhaps less plausibly. Kenneth Brecher has revived the doubts about
identifying the bright star referred to in records as Sothis/the
Dog/Sirius with the star we call Sirius today. Babylonian and
Roman sources as late as Ptolemy all call “Sirius”
a red star. Seneca says
it is redder than Mars. In his star catalog Ptolemy refers to the
bright red star in the face of the Dog. He links Sirius with red
stars like Aldebaran and Arcturus.
The star which we presently call Sirius is not a red star. No theory
of stellar evolution offers any explanation for how a red star could
become white in 2000 years, although much speculation has centered
around possible changes in the companion star which is part of
Sirius. There is a flaw either in our identification of
Sothis as
our Sirius, in the ancients’ observations, in our translation of
their texts, or in present theories of stellar evolution, which must
be based more on computer analysis than on observation.
One explanation which has been offered is that the red color refers
to the star only as observed in heliacal rising near the horizon.
Perhaps “red” simply means “bright” or “beautiful” as it does in
Akkadian or Russian. At any rate, we can say that there is at least
some question about the identification of Sothis as our star
Sirius,
and a thorough re-study of the pertinent Egyptian and Greek
astronomical terms would be valuable.[39]
Despite all of the problems and reasons to discard the entire
chronology based on the Sothic dating in conjunction with the
Biblical chronology, all of Egyptian chronology is based on this
Sothic cycle inferred from Censorinus, even if there has been much
argument about when said cycle is supposed to have begun. In the
absence of any real evidence, the experts decided on one set of
dates (1320 B.C. to A.D.141) as the cycle, and proclaimed it as the
standard for the setting of ancient dates.
Quite a number of Egyptologists have rejected the theory of the
Sothic cycle entirely. What is more, the theoretical sothic cycle
does not agree with radiocarbon dating, even if we already have an
idea that radiometric dating methods have their own problems. For
dates within certain ranges, these problems have been adjusted with
tree-ring calibration.
Another controversial item of Sothic dating is the so-called “era of Menophres.” This discussion is based on a statement in the late
classical writer, Theon who says:
On the 100th year of the era of
Diocletian, concerning the rising of
the Dog, because of the pattern we received from the era of Menophres to the end of the
age of Augustus the total of the elapsed
years was 1605.
Many attempts have been made to identify
Theon’s Menophres.
Menophres has been identified as the city Memphis or one of
a number
of pharaohs. Merneptah, Seti I, Harmhab, and
Ramses I are among the
candidates that have been suggested. There is simply not enough
evidence to draw any firm conclusions about the meaning of this
text.
Otto Neugebauer began the ten-page section on Egypt in his later
History of Ancient Mathematical Astronomy with the provocative
sentence,
“Egypt has no place in a work on the history of
mathematical astronomy.” [40]
Did you catch that? Neugebauer is telling us that the
Egyptians were
scientifically illiterate. He read and examined everything. All the
Egyptologists who were inculcated into the belief of the superiority
of Egyptian science were sending him their papyri and inscriptions
from tombs and monuments. All the things that are so difficult to
get hold of nowadays were sent to Neugebauer. And what did
Neugebauer say?
Mathematics and astronomy played a uniformly insignificant role in
all periods of Egyptian history. […] The fact that Egyptian
mathematics has preserved a relatively primitive level makes it
possible to investigate a stage of development which is no longer
available in so simple a form, except in the Egyptian documents.
To some extent Egyptian mathematics has had some, though rather
negative, influence on later periods. Its arithmetic was widely
based on the use of unit fractions, a practice which probably
influenced the Hellenistic and Roman administrative offices and thus
spread further into other regions of the Roman empire. […] The
influence of this practice is visible even in works of the stature
of the Almagest, where final results are often expressed with unit
fractions in spite of the fact that the computations themselves were
carried out with sexagesimal fractions. […] And this old tradition
doubtless contributed much to restricting the sexagesimal place
value notation to a purely scientific use.
It would be quite out of proportion to describe Egyptian geometry
here at length. It suffices to say that we find in Egypt about the
same elementary level we observed in contemporary Mesopotamia.
The role of Egyptian mathematics is probably best described as a
retarding force upon numerical procedures. Egyptian astronomy had
much less influence on the outside world for the very simple reason
that it remained through all its history on an exceedingly crude
level which had practically no relations to the rapidly growing
mathematical astronomy of the Hellenistic age. Only in one point
does the Egyptian tradition show a very beneficial influence, that
is, in the use of the Egyptian calendar by the Hellenistic
astronomers. This calendar is, indeed, the only intelligent calendar
which ever existed in human history. A year consists of 12 months of
30 days each and five additional days at the end of each year.
A second Egyptian contribution to astronomy is the division of the
day into 24 hours, through these hours were originally not of even
length, but were dependent on the seasons. […]
Lunar calendars played a role since early times side by side with
the schematic civil calendar of the 365-day year. An inscription of
the Middle Kingdom mentions “great” and “small” years, and we know
now that the “great” years were civil years which contained 13 new
moon festivals in contrast to the ordinary “small” years with only
12 new moons. The way these intercalations were regulated, at least
in the latest period, is shown by the Demotic text.
This Demotic text contains a simple periodic scheme which is based
on the fact that 25 Egyptian civil years (which contain 9125 days)
are very nearly equal to 309 mean lunar months. These 309 months are
grouped by our text into 16 ordinary years of 12 lunar months, and 9
“great” years of 13 months. Ordinarily two consecutive lunar months
are given 59 days by our scheme, obviously because of the fact that
one lunar month is close to 29 ½ days long. But every 5th year the
two last months are made 60 days long. This gives for the whole 25
year cycle the correct total of 9125 days.
Since at this period all astronomical computations were carried out
in the sexagesimal system, at least as far as fractions are
concerned, the equinoctial hours were divided sexagesimally. Thus
our present division of the day into 24 hours of 60 minutes each is
the result of a Hellenistic modification of an Egyptian practice
combined with Babylonian numerical procedures.
Finally, we have to mention the decans. […] The decans
are the
actual reason for the 12 division of the night and hence, in the
last analysis, of the 24 hour system. Again, in Hellenistic times
the Egyptian decans were brought into a fixed relation to the
Babylonian zodiac which is attested in Egypt only since the reign of
Alexander’s successors. In this final version the 36 decans are
simply the thirds of the zodiacal signs, each decan representing 10
degrees of the ecliptic. Since the same period witnesses the rapid
development of astrology, the decans assumed an important position
in astrological lore and in kindred fields such as alchemy, the
magic of stones and plants and their use in medicine. In this
disguise the decans reached India, only to be returned in still more
fantastic form to the Muslims and the West. […]
[In the decans] we have not a calendar but a star clock. The user of
this list would know the hour of night by the rising of the decan
which is listed in the proper decade of the month. […]
We call this phenomenon the “heliacal rising” of S, using a term of
Greek astronomy. [...]
It is this sequence of phenomena which led the Egyptians to measure
the time of night by means of stars, which we now call decans. This
was intended to devise some method of indicating the times of office
for the nightly service in the temples, (and other practical
reasons.) Just as the months were divided into decades, so were the
services of the hour-stars. For 10 days, S indicated the last hour
of night, then the next star for the next ten days, and so on. […]
All this was, in fact, taken into account by the inventors of the
decanal hours, as can be demonstrated by the terminal section of the
“diagonal calendars” on the coffin lids. […]
By the time of the New Kingdom, the usefulness of the decans as
indicators of hours had ceased. […] The decans held a secure
position as representatives of the decades of the year in the
decoration of astronomical ceilings, as in the tomb of Senmut or in
the cenotaph of Seti I. In this form, they continued to exist until
their association with the zodiac of the Hellenistic period revived
them and made them powerful elements of astrological doctrine.
The coffins with the “diagonal calendars” belong roughly to the
period from 2100 BC to 1800 BC. […] Astronomical accuracy was
nowhere seriously attempted in these documents. […]
In summary, from the almost three millennia of Egyptian writing, the
only texts which have come down to us and deal with a numerical
prediction of astronomical phenomena belong to the Hellenistic or
Roman period. None of the earlier astronomical documents contains
mathematical elements; they are crude observational schemes, partly
religious, partly practical in purpose.
Ancient science was the product of a very few men; and these few
happened not to be Egyptians.[41]
It seems that we have learned several things from Neugebauer’s
examination of the texts of the various papyri, tomb inscriptions,
monuments, calendars, and so forth. One of the most important things
we have learned is that the Egyptians did, indeed, correct their
calendar every five years, similar to what we do every four years
with our leap year. This naturally makes the idea of the Sothic
cycle irrelevant in terms of calendrical reconciliation. We also
begin to understand some of the totally incomprehensible sayings of
the Pyramid Texts. They were recitations of prayers and magical
spells that had to be performed at a certain “moment” in the night,
and the only way to determine time at night was by the stars.
According to Neugebauer, there are sufficient numbers of these star
clocks in tombs to confirm this idea.
Next we note that Neugebauer tells us that the only texts which have
come down to us and deal with a numerical prediction of astronomical
phenomena belong to the Hellenistic or Roman period and in
Hellenistic times the Egyptian decans were brought into a fixed
relation to the Babylonian zodiac which is attested in Egypt only
since the reign of Alexander’s successors.
In other words, the “occult secrets” generally attributed to the
Egyptians, must actually belong to the Greeks.
However, there is something just a little bit deeper here that I
would like to point out. As Neugebauer says, the Egyptians of
historical times were really scientifically illiterate. So much so
that their influence was inhibiting upon mathematics and science.
But we still have that most astonishing fact that they came up with
what Neugebauer declares to be the most sensible calendar ever
devised. Even the Babylonians, whose mathematics sends
Neugebauer
into raptures, did not have so clever a calendar. We find ourselves
asking: where did the Egyptians get this calendar?
In an attempt to come to some understanding of this matter of
Sothis, (which actually is the Greek name for
Sirius, and it is an
assumption that the word transliterated from the Egyptian texts is,
actually, Sothis or Sirius), I undertook a comparative reading of
Faulkner’s translation of the Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts.
Indeed, I am not an Egyptologist nor an expert in these matters, but
I wondered if I would notice anything at all with my "beginner’s
mind", assuming that the translator dealt honestly with his text.
Reading every reference to the word transliterated into English as
“spdt,” that is then translated as Sothis, brought me face to face
with a number of interesting problems.
If we remember that Sirius is also supposed to represent Isis, we
notice first of all that the Egyptians had no problem specifying
Isis when they wanted to, sometimes in the same passage where Sothis
is mentioned.
In Utterance 216 of the Pyramid Texts, it is translated: “Sothis is
swallowed up by the Netherworld, Pure and living in the horizon.”
However, there is a footnote that says: “Despite the lack of correct
gender ... in a triple repetition of the phrase, the scribe has
ignored the discrepancy of gender in the case of Sothis.”[42]
In other words... Sothis is described in words of male gender and
the translator is having to deal with this problem.
Apparently this gender issue pops up several more times, and the
footnote directs us to a paper in the Journal of Near Eastern
Studies, volume 25, p. 159. Repeatedly the word spdt is translated
as “my sister is Sothis...” after which, we are again referred to the
above paper, p. 153, which suggests that in each of these instances,
the problem with that pesky male gender keeps popping up.
In Utterance 366, we find Isis and Sothis
mentioned together in a
strange way: [Osiris is being addressed]
“Your sister Isis comes to you rejoicing for love of you. You have
placed her on your phallus and your seed issues into her, she being
ready as Sothis, and Har-Sopd has come forth from you as
Horus who
is in Sothis.”
Isis is described as being “ready like Sothis.” This readiness is
described in overtly sexual terms as though some dynamic interaction
between bodies of the cosmos is being described sexually - an
exchange takes place between them. We then read that, as a result of
this cosmic interaction of impregnation, “sopd” is supposed to be
“born from Isis as Horus comes forth from Sothis.”
What is this “sopd”?
In utterance 412 the following lines:
“The Great One falls upon his side, He who is in
Nedit quivers, his
head is lifted by Re; he detests sleep, he hates inertness. O flesh
of the King, do not decay, do not rot, do not smell unpleasant. Your
foot will not be overpassed, your stride will not be overstridden,
you shall not tread on the corruption of Osiris. You shall reach the
sky as Orion your soul shall be as effective as Sothis; have power,
having power; be strong, having strength; may your soul stand among
the gods as Horus who dwells in Irs. May the terror of you come into
being in the hearts of the gods like the Nt-crown...”
In this passage, it seems as though
Sothis is compared to something
that is “effective and powerful" and having strength like
Horus.
In utterance 472, we find this:
“I go up on this eastern side of the sky where the gods were born,
and I am born as Horus, as Him of the horizon; I am vindicated and
my double is vindicated; Sothis is my sister, the Morning Star is my
offspring.”
First the writer says I am “as
Horus,” followed by an allusion to
Horus being his “double” followed by an immediate mention of
Sothis as this double, though the allusion to a “double” is given as a
“sister.”
In Utterance 1074:
“Sothis goes forth clad in her brightness, she censes the bright
ones who are among them. The striking powers of the city are quiet,
the region is content. I have prepared a road that I may pass on it,
namely what Meref foretold in On.”
This passage is, apparently, very problematical because
Faulkner has
footnoted almost every term. In particular, the word “brightness”
above is noted to be a word that means “sharpness.”
This brings us to our strange word that is transliterated as spd, or
Soped. Regarding the above mention of “sharpness” related to
Sothis
going forth, we find that spd-ibhw means “sharp toothed.”
Sharp
toothed occurs repeatedly in a certain context illustrated by
Utterance 222:
“I have come to you, my father, I have come to you, O great Wild
Bull. ...I have come to you, my father, I have come to you, O Sopd.”
Now, this “Sopd” is transliterated as “spdw” being very similar to
“spdt” that is translated as “sothis.” It is obvious that the
translators have a problem with this “spdw”, and just translate it
as “Sopd.” In the end, we have three very similar words: spdt,
spdw,
and spd-ibhw (sharp toothed), and my guess is that this “sharp
toothed” business may relate to something that is visually similar
to a mouth full of gleaming, sharp teeth. Also, sharp toothed can
mean that something is radiating clearly defined “rays,” that are
“sharp” like “teeth.”
The word sp occurs by itself in one reference:
“O god; your third is he who orders offerings. The perfume of
Iht-wtt is on this King, a bnbn-loaf is in the Mansion of Sokar, a
foreleg is in the House of Anubis. This King is hale, the Herdsman
stands up, the month is born, Sp lives.”
The more I read these texts, the more I think that these are rote
repetitions of something that once really meant something, but
through the centuries, with the changes in language and semantics,
they had long ago lost their meaning and were simply being recited
as magical texts. Either that, or the experts in Egyptian language
have a long way to go! An important point is, however, that every
single reference to spdw occurs in a passage about the “great wild
bull” and both Osiris and Seth were referred to as
bulls though
bulls aren’t generally thought of in the context of sharp teeth.
Seth was the “Bull of the South.” Utterance 580 is a text to be
recited at the sacrifice of a Red Bull. This bull is supposed to
represent Seth being sacrificed by Horus. Addressed to
Seth the
bull:
“O you who smote my father, who killed one greater than you, you
have smitten my father, you have killed one greater than you.”
This is followed by a passage addressed to the
dead king/Osiris:
“O my father Osiris this King, I have smitten for you him who smote
you as an ox; I have killed for you him who killed you as a wild
bull; I have broken for you him who broke you ...[he lists all the
parts he has cut off]. Its upper foreleg is on Khopr, its lower
foreleg belongs to Atum, father of the gods, its haunches belong to
Shu and Tefenet, its shanks belong to Hnt-irty and
Kherty, its back
belongs to Neith and Selket, its heart belongs to Sakhmet the Great,
the contents of its udder belong to these four gods, the children of
Horus, Hapy, Imsety, Duamutef, Kebhsenuf. Its head, its tail, its
arms, and its legs belong to Anubis...[43]
Now, of course, we wonder
how an ox has an udder... and of course,
Faulkner has an explanation that the scribe “forgot”
that he was
writing about a bull! Nevertheless, the reference to Sakhmet brings
up a very interesting remark in Utterance 704:
“This King is the [...] which went forth from Re, this King has come
forth from between the thighs of the Two Enneads; he was conceived
by Sakhmet, the King was borne by Shezmetet. This King is the
falcon...”
The footnote tells us that where it says “he was conceived,” that,
regarding the word “he,” the scribe “for once employs the feminine
suffix.” So, we think that certain other translations of “he” may
have been “she” or vice versa.
Remembering that “Sopd” is supposed to be “born from
Isis as Horus
comes forth from Sothis,” we find the curious relationship above to
“two Enneads” and they are there described as Sakhmet and
Shezmetet.
Utterance 248:
“The King is a great one, the King has issued from between the
thighs of the Ennead. The king was conceived by Sakhmet, and it was
Shezmetet who bore the king, a star brilliant and FAR TRAVELLING,
who brings distant products to Re daily.”
We naturally have questions about the many references to the
“sisters” the “Two Enneads,” the “double” and the “twins” that are
repeatedly mentioned.
Sekhmet is the patroness of divine retribution, vengeance, and
conquest. She is represented with the head of a lion to suggest the
“mane” or “coma” of brightness. Sekhmet means “The Mighty One,” and
she was one of the most powerful of the gods and goddesses. She was
the goddess who meted out divine punishment to the enemies of the
gods and of the pharaoh. In this capacity she was called the “Eye of
Ra.” She also accompanied the pharaoh into battle, launching
fiery
arrows into battle ahead of him. Sekhmet could send plagues and
disease against her enemies, and for this reason, as a preventative,
was sometimes invoked to avoid plague and cure disease.
Sekhmet’s capacity for destruction is well documented. In one story,
Ra sent her to punish those mortals who had forgotten him, and she
ended up nearly destroying the entire human race. Only the
cleverness of Ra stopped her rampage before it consumed every living
thing.
Sekhmet’s breath was the hot desert wind, and her body took on the
glare of the midday sun. She represented the destructive force of
the sun. According to the legends, she came into being when Hathor
was sent to earth by Ra to take vengeance on man. She was the one
who slaughtered mankind and drank their blood, only being stopped by
trickery. She was said to be the destructive side of the sun, and a
solar goddess given the title Eye of Ra. Since several of these
attributes also belonged to Set, the "Bull of the South" whose
breath was the hot desert wind that brings crime and destruction, we
wonder if Sekhmet is not a different "model?" If so, considering the
descriptions of Sekhmet, put together with the "sharp toothed"
appellation and the "far travelling star," then we might suggest that
the term Sothis simply refers to a comet? In such a case, we can
have no idea of which comet it might be, whether or not it is a
periodic body, and even if it is, what its period might have been.
In any event, in a general sense, we discover that the great
astronomical and scientific knowledge attributed to the Egyptians
falls far short of that which has been promoted by many "alternative
researchers" as well as mainstream Egyptologists. No wonder
Neugebauer’s results aren’t popularly known. They pretty much put a
period to the idea that the Egyptians were observing Sirius and
precession, or that they had a calendar based on a Sothic cycle of
1460 years. Real Science was applied to the subject of Egyptology,
and the Egyptophiles just couldn’t stand it. They withdrew into
their private little world of dreams and illusions of Egyptian
grandeur, clinging desperately to the rags and tatters of their
occult beliefs like a drowning man clutches at straws.
It is only in recent years that the disruptions of civilization have
been scientifically related to celestial phenomena by serious
researchers, and even their observations have not moved the
Egyptologist one inch from their firm adherence to their chronology.
After corresponding with a few of them, reading their books and
technical papers, I found that not one of them was capable of
answering a single question directly, though one of them did suggest
to me in a roundabout way that he had a few mildly radical ideas.
Obviously, he didn’t want to say it too loudly for fear of being run
out of Dodge.
Notes:
[1] ANET 1969, p. 231; Breasted, James, Ancient Records of Egypt,
1906-7, rpt. 1988, 5 Vols.(London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd.
1988) pp. 122-26; Shanks, Hershel, “The Exodus and the Crossing of
the Red Sea, According to Hans Goedicke.” Biblical Archaeology
Review 7:5 (September/October 1981). p. 49. [2] ANET 1969, p. 233. [3] Vandersleyen, C. RdE 19 (1968), pls. 8, 9; W. Helck,
Historisch-biographische Texte der 2. Zwischenzeit (Wiesbaden,
1975), pp. 106-7. [4] Spalinger, Anthony, (1990), The Rhind Mathematical Papyrus As A
Historical Document, Studien zur altagyptischen Kultur; 17, p.
295-338. [5] cf. Redford, op. cit. [6] Manning, Sturt, A Test of Time (Oxbow: Oxford) p. 1999. [7] Gardiner, Sir Alan, Egypt of the Pharaohs. [8] Egypt et la vallee du Nil volume II. [9] X-ray atlas of the Royal Mummies, pp, 122-30 and in C.N. Reeves,
After Tutankhamun: Research and Excavation in the Royal Necropolis
at Thebes, p. 6. [10] History and Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty, p. 37. [11] The Associated Press, Cairo, Egypt, Dec. 13, 2000. [12] Jacket blurb from: Colloins, Andrew and Ogilvie-Herald, Chris,
Tutankhamun: The Exodus Conspiracy, 2002, Virgin Books, London [13] Redford, Donald B., Akhenaten: The Heretic King, 1984,
Princeton University Press, Princeton, p. 225. [14] Nicholson, E.W., Exodus and Sinai in History and Tradition
(Richmond: John Knox Press 1973). [15] Ibid. [16] De Vaux, Roland, The Early History of Israel translation by
David Smith. (Philadelphia: Westminster Press 1978) p. 435. [17] Antiquities, II.264; III.76. [18] Sotah 5a, Freedman and Simon 1935, pp. 18-19. [19] KJV, see also Judges 5:4-5, Hab. 3:3,7. [20] The Bible, I Kings 11:18; Exodus 2:15, 3:1. [21] “Hierosolymus” and “Judas” are the Greek renderings of the
Hebrew words for Jerusalem and Jew. [22] According to Greek legend, Cepheus was king of Ethiopia. His
daughter Andromeda was married to the hero Perseus. The main
question about this is: where was ancient “Ethiopia”? [23] This theory is plausible. In Greek and Latin, the word
‘Assyrian’ can indicate everyone living in modern Iraq or Syria.
Aramaeans, a tribe to which the Hebrews seem to have been related,
also fit within the definition of an Assyrian. We also note that
Abraham’s family referred to relatives as “Syrians.” There is also
the fact that the genetic studies show the Jews to be very closely
related to Syrians, both Jewish and non-Jewish. [24] The Solymi are mentioned by Homer in The Iliad 6.184 and 204
and in The Odyssey 5.283. They were brave warriors from Lycia. The
word Jerusalem was read as “Hiero-Solyma” or “holy place of the
Solymi.” [25] Josephus, Africanus and Eusebius all list a King Orus who the
“experts” agree is Amenhotep III. [26] The Egyptians represented Ammon with a ram’s head. However,
there is more to this than Tacitus suspects. [27] Leprosy. [28] A common title for Dionysus, the god of wine, intoxication and
ecstasy. [29] Tacitus, The Histories, Book V: 2-5. Translation by Kenneth
Wellesley. [30] Eusebius, Pamphilus, Preparation of the Gospel. Translation by
Edwin Gifford. (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House 1981) p. 524. [31] Redford, Donald “A Gate Inscription From Karnak and Egyptian
Involement in Western Asia During the Early 18th Dynasty.” Journal
of the American Oriental Society 99:2. 1979 p. 274; Bietak, Manfred
1991. “Egypt and Canaan During the Middle Bronze Age.” Bulletin of
the American School of Oriental Research 281 1991 p. 58; Weinstein
1981, pp. 1-28. [32] Bietak, op. cit., p. 59. [33] Hoffmeier, James K., “Some Thoughts on William G. Dever’s
‘Hyksos, Egyptian Destructions, and the End of the Palestinain
Middle Bronze Age.’” Levant 22. 1990, p.87. [34] Gardiner, Sir Alan, Egypt of the Pharaohs. [35] Petrie, Flinders, Researches in Sinai (London: John Murray
1906). [36] Ibid. [37] Ibid. [38] It is known that a lunar calendar was used in ancient Egypt,
but not much is known about it. The end result of the use of this
calendar is that every date on any monument would have to tell us
which calendar was being used, but the Egyptians didn’t do that. [39] Brug, John, The Astronomical Dating of Ancient History before
700 AD. 1988. [40] Neugebauer, Otto, The Exact Sciences in Antiquity (New York:
Dover 1969). [41] Neugebauer, ibid., pp. 71-2, 78, 80-1, 90, 81-4, 86-9, 91. [42] Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, (Aris and
Phillips. 1969) [43] Faulkner, ibid.
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