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Postscript
The story of the scrolls is, needless to say, unfinished.
The plot
continues to unfold, taking new twists and turns. Much has happened
since this book appeared in Great Britain in May 1991. By the
autumn, things had built to a climax, and the scrolls were the
subject of front page coverage, as well as editorials, in such
newspapers as The New York Times. Even as the American edition of
our book is being prepared for publication, other books and articles
are appearing in print, conferences are being convened, media
attention is intensifying, various protagonists are issuing new
statements.
In May, the Israeli 'Oversight Committee' granted to Oxford
University a complete set of photographs of all scroll material, and
a centre for scroll research was established under the auspices of
Gaza Vermes. Access, however, was still rigorously restricted, still
denied to independent scholars. Interviewed on British television,
Professor Norman Golb of the University of Chicago queried the
purpose of such a centre. Was it, he asked, simply to be a centre of
frustration?
On 5 September, the American press reported that two scholars at
Hebrew Union College in Cincinnati, Professor Ben-Zion Wacholder and
one of his doctoral students, Martin G. Abegg, had 'broken the
monopoly' of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Using the concordance prepared by
the international team in the 1950s, they had then employed a
computer to reconstruct the texts themselves.
The results, said to
be 80 percent accurate, were published by the Biblical Archaeology
Society under Hershel Shanks. The surviving members of the
international team were predictably furious. Professor Cross
inveighed against 'piracy'.
'What else would you call it,' the
deposed John Strugnall fulminated, 'but stealing?'
On 7 September,
however, an editorial in The New York Times endorsed Wacholder's and
Abegg's action:
Some on the committee might be tempted to charge the Cincinnati
scholars with piracy. On the
contrary, Mr. Wacholder and Mr. Abegg are to be applauded for their
work - and for sifting
through layer upon layer of obfuscation. The committee, with its
obsessive secrecy and cloak-and-
dagger scholarship, long ago exhausted its credibility with scholars
and laymen alike. The two
Cincinnatians seem to know what the scroll committee forgot: that
the scrolls and what they say
about the common roots of Christianity and Rabbinic Judaism belong
to civilization, not to a few
sequestered professors.
A more electrifying revelation was soon to follow. On 22 September,
the Huntingdon Library in California disclosed that it possessed a
complete set of photographs of all unpublished scroll material.
These had been entrusted to the library by
Betty Bechtel of the
Bechtel Corporation, who had commissioned them around 1961. Having
learned of the photographs' existence, members of the international
team had demanded them back. The Huntingdon had responded with
defiance. Not only did the library make its possession of the
photographs public but it also announced its intention of making
them accessible to any scholar who wished to see them.
Microfilm
copies were to be offered for as little as ten dollars.
'When you
free the scrolls,' said William A. Moffett, the library's director,
'you free the scholars.'
Again, of course, members of the international team kicked up a
rumpus, this time more petulant than before. Again, there were
charges of 'theft of scholarly work'.
One independent professor
replied, however, that most people,
'... will regard [the
Huntington] as Robin Hoods, stealing from the academically
privileged to give to those hungry for... knowledge.'
Amir Drori, head of the
Israeli Antiquities Authority, accused the
Huntington of sundry legal transgressions - even though the
photographs had been taken long before the scrolls passed into
Israeli hands as spoils of war. Magen Broshi, director of the
Shrine
of the Book, spoke darkly of legal action. The Huntington stood its
ground.
'There's either freedom of access or not. Our position is
that there should be unfettered access.'
By that time, release of
the photographs was already a fait accompli, and any attempt to
reverse the process would have been futile. 'It's too late,' the
Huntington declared.
'It's done.'
On 25 September, the Israeli government gave way, carefully
distancing itself from Drori's and Broshi's pronouncements. Drori
and Broshi were said to have been 'speaking as individuals, not as
representatives of the Israeli government.' Yuvel Ne'eman, Israel's
Minister of Science, issued a press statement asserting that... every scholar should be granted free access to examine the
scrolls and publish his findings. It
is fortunate that this opportunity has now become feasible through
public exposure of the scrolls'
photographic collection by the Huntington Library.
In the meantime, at 11:05 that morning, Robert Eisenman's name had
gone down on record as that of the first scholar formally to request
and obtain access to the Huntingdon's photographs of scroll
material.
The battle for access had been won.
There still remains,
however, the process of dismantling the 'orthodoxy of
interpretation' promulgated for the last forty years by the
international team.
By the time the events chronicled above had hit the headlines,
Eisenman had begun to pursue his research on other fronts as well.
In 1988, he had pointed out that the excavations at Qumran were far
from complete, far from exhaustive. The surrounding terrain is, in
fact, ideal for the preservation of manuscripts, and virtually all
experts in the field agree that there are more discoveries to be
made.
It is not just possible, but probable, that additional scroll
material still exists, buried under landslides and rock-falls. Many
caves have yet to be excavated properly - that is, through the
rubble of fallen roofs and down to bed-rock. Other caves, previously
explored only by the Bedouin, have to be explored anew, since the
Bedouin tended to overlook some concealed documents and to leave
behind many fragments; and, in any case, officially sanctioned
Bedouin excavations effectively ceased with the 1967 war.
There are
other sites in the general vicinity of Qumran that have yet to be
thoroughly explored. Nine miles to the south, for example, on the
shores of the Dead Sea, at a place called En el-Ghuweir, an Israeli
archaeologist found Qumran-style graves and the ruins of a
Qumran-style (albeit smaller) residence.1 It is certainly reasonable
to suppose that the caves in the nearby wadis, hitherto unexcavated,
may also be repositories for scrolls.
With these facts in mind, Eisenman determined to embark on his own
archaeological explorations. His primary objective was, of course,
to look for additional scroll material. Such material might - as
proved to be the case with the 'Temple Scroll' - be entirely new.
But even if it duplicated material already in the hands of the
international team, it would render pointless any continued
suppression.
Quite apart from the prospect of additional scroll
material, however, Eisenman wanted to build up as complete a picture
as possible of the population in the entire region, from Qumran on
south towards Masada. There might have been, he concluded, other
Qumran-style communities. In consequence, he undertook to look for
evidence of any other kind - evidence of water control, for example,
such as terraces, aqueducts and cisterns, which might have been
constructed to sustain livestock and support agriculture.
To date, Michael Baigent has accompanied Robert Eisenman and his
team of archaeologists and volunteers on two exploratory
expeditions, in January 1989 and in January 1990. In the first of
them, they concentrated on the excavation of a cave roughly a mile
south of Qumran, some 500 feet up the cliff. The cave opened into a
series of chambers extending at least eighty feet back into the
rock.
Part of the interior had a smooth floor made of palm fronds
and packed mud. No scrolls came to light, but a number of Iron Age
remains were found - a juglet, an oil lamp, and, uniquely, an arrow
shaft and arrowhead in perfect preservation after 3,000 years. The
expedition proved, for the first time, that some at least of the
caves around Qumran had been inhabited -not just used as temporary
refuges during brief periods of danger, but occupied on a more
permanent basis.
The second expedition endeavored to explore as much as possible of
the Dead Sea coast south of Qumran and the adjacent cliff-face. The
purpose of this undertaking was to compile an inventory of all
hitherto unexplored caves that might warrant subsequent exhaustive
excavation. Dividing itself into small teams, the expedition
searched some thirteen miles of cliff, rising precipitously as high
as 1,200 feet.
Apart from caves, there were found the remains of
artificial terraces and walls, of constructions for water control
and irrigation - all attesting to human inhabitation and
cultivation. Altogether, 137 habitable caves were located and
subjected to preliminary examination without excavation. Of these,
83 were deemed worthy of systematic excavation: they will become the
focus of future archaeological activity.
Of particular and revolutionary importance to any such activity will
be a new system of 'high-tech' ground radar known as 'Subsurface
Interface Radar' (SIR). We had been discussing with Eisenman the
likelihood of there being other caves in the vicinity of Qumran and
along the shore of the Dead Sea, as well as of caves, rooms,
cellars, passages and/or other subterranean structures under the
ruins of Qumran itself.
De Vaux, the only person to attempt any
excavation of the actual site, never looked for anything of the
sort, never really probed beneath the surface. Yet it is virtually
unknown for a construction of the kind attested to by the Qumran
ruins not to have underground chambers, passages, dungeons or escape
tunnels. It is generally acknowledged that something of the sort
must indeed exist. But some fairly major excavations would be
necessary, involving much trial and error and probably damage to the
site.
The prospect, therefore, of finding anything under Qumran seemed, a
priori, doomed in advance by the magnitude of what would have been
entailed. But in the autumn of 1988 we chanced on a newspaper
article about a 'secret burial vault' of possible relevance to
Shakespearean scholars, found under a church near Stratford-on-Avon.
What interested us about this article was the fact that the vault
had apparently been located by a species of underground radar
scanning system, operated by a firm based in the south of England.
The possibilities offered by SIR proved exciting indeed. It was a
terrestrial equivalent of a ship-based sonar recording system. The
apparatus was portable. When moved at a constant speed over the
ground, it produced a computer-generated image of subterranean
features. The image in turn was produced through the building up of
a profile of 'interfaces' - that is, points at which earth or rock
or any other substance of density and solidity gave way to air. The
entire system was thus ideal for locating underground caves and
cavities. At the very least, it would register interfaces 30 feet
below the surface. Under good conditions, it could penetrate as deep
as 120 feet.
The manager of the company that operated the radar proved keen to
help. He had, it transpired, read and enjoyed the books we had
previously published. The prospect of his equipment being employed
at Qumran intrigued him. He even offered to come along on an
expedition and operate the apparatus himself. As a result of this
offer, Eisenman's 1990 expedition made a special point of noting
sites warranting investigation by radar.
We are now waiting for
permission from the Israeli government to bring the equipment into
the country and employ it at Qumran.
The Dead Sea Scrolls found in 1947 were not the first such ancient
texts to come to light in the Judaean desert. Indeed, there are
reports of such texts being found as early as the 3rd century AD.
The theologian Origen, one of the early Church Fathers, is alleged
to have made one such discovery. According to the Church historian
Eusebius, Origen found several different versions of Old Testament
texts, some of which had been lost for many years.
He is said to
have 'hunted them out of their hiding places and brought them to
light'.2 One version of the psalms, we are told, 'was found at
Jericho in a jar during the reign of Antoninus, Son of Severus'.3
This reference allows us to date the discovery to somewhere between
AD 211 and 217.
More intriguing still is a letter dating from some time shortly
before AD 805, written by Timotheus, Patriarch of Seleucia, to
another ecclesiastic:
We learned from trustworthy Jews who were being instructed... in
the Christian faith that ten
years ago, near Jericho, some books were found in a cave... the
dog of an Arab hunter followed
an animal into a cave and didn't return. The Arab went in after it
and found a small cave in which
there were many books. The Arab went to Jerusalem and told the Jews
there who then came out
in large numbers and found books of the Old Testament and other
books in Hebrew characters.
As the person who told this story to me was a learned man... I
asked him about the many
references in the New Testament which are referred to as originating
in the Old Testament but
which cannot be found there... He said: they exist and can be
found in the books from the cave...4
Similar discoveries have continued to occur through the centuries,
up until modern times. One of the most famous is that of Moses
William Shapira, an antique dealer with a shop in Jerusalem in the
late 19th century.5
In 1878, Shapira was told of some Arabs who, on
the run from the authorities, had sought refuge in what is now
Jordanian territory, on the eastern shore of the Dead Sea. Here, in
a cave at Wadi Mujib, directly across the Dead Sea from En Gedi,
they were reported to have found a number of old bundles of rags
which they tore open, hoping to find valuables of some kind. They
found only a number of dark leather scrolls. One of the Arabs took
these away with him and later claimed that possession of them had
brought him luck.
This was said to be his reason for not wanting to
sell them — or for raising the price.
Shapira, who sold antiquities to European collectors and museums,
was intrigued. Through a sheik with whom he was friendly, he managed
to purchase what purported to be the entire corpus of material. This
comprised fifteen strips of parchment, each about three-and-a-half
by seven inches in size. After studying his acquisition for some
weeks, Shapira realized that what he had was an ancient version of
the Book of Deuteronomy, one which differed markedly from the
established biblical text.
In 1883, after a number of vicissitudes and consultations with
experts, Shapira brought his scroll fragments to London. He was
preceded by great excitement and extensive coverage in the press.
British experts pronounced the fragments genuine, and translations
of them were published in The Times. The Prime Minister, William
Gladstone, came to see them and discussed their possible purchase
with Shapira. A sum of £1 million was apparently mentioned - a
staggering figure for the time.
The French government sent a prominent scholar, one of Shapira's old
enemies, across the Channel to examine the fragments and compile a
report. Shapira refused to let the Frenchman inspect the fragments
closely or to handle them. The Frenchman was allowed only a cursory
look at two or three fragments. He was then reduced, by Shapira's
intransigence, to spending two days looking at two additional
fragments on display in a glass case, jostled by other visitors to
the museum.
Out of spite, and a probably justified exasperation, the
Frenchman at last pronounced the fragments to be forgeries. Other
scholars, without even bothering to look at the fragments, echoed
this conclusion, and the affair quickly degenerated into farce. Shapira had effectively ruined himself. Repudiated and discredited,
he shot himself in a Rotterdam hotel room on 9 March 1884.
His
scroll fragments were purchased by a London antiquarian book-dealer
for £10 5s.
Since then, they have disappeared - though they might conceivably
still turn up in someone's attic or among the belongings of some
private collector. According to the last attempt to trace them, they
may have been taken to Australia with the effects of a dealer in
antiquities.
A number of modern authorities - including Allegro, who made a
special study of Shapira — have become convinced that Shapira's
fragments were probably genuine. Had they been discovered this
century rather than last, Allegro maintained, they would in all
likelihood have proved to be as valid as the material found at
Qum-ran.6 But in the late 19th century, egos, scholarly reputations
and vested interests were as much 'on the line' as they are today.
As a result, something of potentially priceless value has, almost
certainly, been irretrievably lost.
At the same time, discoveries such as Shapira's continue to be made.
Thus, for example, in the late 1970s, when we ourselves had little
more than a cursory knowledge of the Dead Sea Scrolls and other such
documents, we were telephoned by a friend from Paris, a collector of
antiques. He asked if, on virtually no notice, we could meet him at
a restaurant in London, not far from Charing Cross. Michael Baigent,
who'd done much professional photography, was particularly
requested. He was asked to bring a camera along - and keep it
hidden.
Baigent found our associate in the company of three other men - an
American collector, a Palestinian dealer and a Jordanian engineer.
He accompanied them to a nearby bank, where they were ushered into a
small private room and two wooden chests were produced, each locked
with three padlocks. 'We don't know what's in these chests,' one of
the bank's officials said pointedly.
'We don't want to know what's
in them.'
The officials then left, locking Baigent and his four
companions in the room.
A telephone call was made to Jerusalem and some sort of permission
was obtained. The Jordanian engineer then produced a bunch of keys
and proceeded to open the two chests. Inside, there were literally
hundreds of thin cardboard sheets, each holding (attached by
adhesive tape!) a dozen or so fragments of ancient parchment and/or
papyrus.
The fragments obviously spanned a considerable period of
time, derived from a number of diverse sources and had been
inscribed in several different languages -Aramaic, for example,
Hebrew, Greek and Arabic. As might be expected of so eclectic and
haphazard an assemblage, not everything was of value. Many of the
fragments proved subsequently to be worthless - receipts and
documents pertaining to ancient commercial transactions that might
have been ferreted out of some archaic rubbish tip.
But there were
others as well.
The collection had come to London through the clandestine scroll
market active in Jerusalem and Bethlehem during the 1950s and 1960s,
and had been brought out of Israel during, or shortly after, the
1967 war. It was now supposedly being offered for sale to a certain
unnamed European government, for an alleged price of £3 million.
Baigent was asked to make a selection of photographs, to be
displayed as samples of what was available. He took approximately a
hundred photographs. But there were hundreds of sheets and,
altogether, upwards of two thousand fragments, most of
them relatively large.
In the dozen or so years since this incident, we have heard nothing
further about the collection. If a sale was indeed negotiated, it
was done so quietly, with no public announcement of any kind.
Alternatively, the entire collection may still be sequestered in its
London bank, or in some other similar depository elsewhere, or
amongst the treasures of some private dealer.
Transactions such as the one to which we'd been peripherally privy
were not, we subsequently learned, at all uncommon. During the
course of the next decade, our research was to bring us into contact
with an intricate network of antique dealers and collectors engaged
in subterranean scroll traffic. This network is international and
deals on a scale comparable to that of networks trafficking in
paintings or gems.
Hundreds of thousands of pounds can be produced
on virtually immediate notice and be transferred on the basis
of a handshake.
Two factors have conducted to the dissemination of the underground
scroll market. One was the action of Yadin and the Israeli military
in the immediate aftermath of the 1967 war, when the dealer known as
Kando was held for interrogation and forced to divulge the existence
of the 'Temple Scroll'. Not surprisingly, this action upset the
existing 'truce' and fostered a profound mistrust between Israeli
and Arab dealers.
As a result, much material found by the Bedouin,
which would ordinarily have passed into Israeli hands, now finds its
way illegally to Amman or Damascus or even further afield. From
there, it passes to the West via such routes as Turkey or the
Lebanon.
A second spur to the subterranean scroll market was a law instituted
under the auspices of UNESCO, according to which any antiquities
smuggled out of a country must be returned to their point of origin.
This law was made retroactive. In consequence, individuals who had
invested large sums in scroll material, or hoped to obtain large
sums for scroll material, could not afford to make their holdings
public. In effect, the law drove the clandestine traffic in scrolls
even further underground — and, of course, caused a dramatic
increase in prices.
How does the underground scroll trade operate?
Much of it is
controlled by certain families well known in the antique trade, who
supply many of the legal antiquities on sale in Israel and abroad.
During the course of the last half-century, these families have
established their own intelligence networks, which maintain close
contacts with the Bedouin and keep abreast of all rumors, whispers,
legends and reported discoveries of antiquarian interest.
When a
potentially fruitful site is located, the land will be rented for a
year and a large black Bedouin tent - ostensibly a domicile -will be
erected. At night, excavations will be conducted under the tent.
When all antiquities of value have been removed, the tent will be
dismantled and its occupants will move on. A similar process occurs
in towns, and particularly in Jerusalem, which has proved especially
fertile territory. Sites will be rented for short periods or, if
necessary, purchased. If a house does not already exist, one will be
constructed.
The occupants will then excavate downwards from the
cellar to bedrock.
Through such procedures as these, much scroll material has found its
way into the hands of private collectors and investors. This
material entirely circumvents the world of 'official' archaeology
and biblical scholarship. Indeed, the world of 'official'
archaeology and biblical scholarship often does not even realise it
exists. Unknown to the academics, there is at present a substantial
quantity of Qumran and related material in the hands of collectors
or for sale. We ourselves know of numerous fragments.
We know of a
well-preserved copy of one Qumran text, called the 'Book of
Jubilees'. We know of a handful of letters by Simeon bar Kochba. And
there are substantial grounds for believing that other documents -
documents of a much more explosive nature, utterly unique and
undreamed of by the world of scholarship — also exist.
In the course of the next few years, major developments can be
expected from any or all of three distinct quarters. The most
obvious of these, needless to say, is the Qumran material itself.
Now that the entire corpus of this material is readily accessible,
independent scholars, without preconceptions, without axes to grind
and vested interests to protect, can get to work.
The international
team's 'orthodoxy of interpretation' has already begun to come under
attack; and as this book has demonstrated, the supposed
archaeological and paleographical evidence with which they support
their position will not withstand close scrutiny. In consequence, we
can expect a radical revision of the process whereby dates have been
assigned to a number of particularly important texts. As a result,
new contexts and interpretations will emerge for already familiar
material.
And new material will emerge in perspectives that would
have been cursorily and high-handedly dismissed a few years
ago.
At the same time, there is also the possibility, enhanced by each
new archaeological expedition Eisenman and his colleagues undertake
to Qumran and the shores of the Dead Sea, that wholly new material
may come to light. This possibility will be further enhanced - now
that the Israeli government has granted permission for its use - by
deployment of the 'Subsurface Interface Radar'
system.
Finally, there is the clandestine scroll market, which may at any
moment cough up something of unprecedented consequence -something
hitherto kept secret, at last released into public domain. As we
have said, such material exists. The question is simply if and when
those who hold it decide it can be divulged.
Whatever the quarter or quarters from which new material might
issue, fresh and, in some cases, very major revelations are bound to
be forthcoming. As this occurs, we can expect ever more light to be
shed on biblical history, on the character of ancient Judaism, on
the origins of both Christianity and Islam. One should not, of
course, expect a disclosure of such magnitude as to 'topple the
Church', or anything as apocalyptic as that.
The Church today, after
all, is less a religious than a social, cultural, political and
economic institution. Its stability and security rest on factors
quite remote from the creed, the doctrine and the dogma it
promulgates. But some people, at any rate, may be prompted to wonder
whether the Church - an institution so demonstrably lax, biased and
unreliable in its own scholarship, its own version of its history
and origins — should necessarily be deemed reliable and
authoritative in its approach to such urgent contemporary matters as
overpopulation, birth control, the status of women and the celibacy
of the clergy.
Ultimately, however, the import of the Qumran texts resides in
something more than their potential to embarrass the Church. The
real import of the Qumran texts resides in what they have to reveal
of the Holy Land, that soil which, for so many centuries, has
voraciously soaked up so much human blood — blood shed in the name
of conflicting gods or, to be more accurate, not very dissimilar
versions of the same God.
Perhaps the documents yet to be divulged
may confront us a little more inescapably with the scale and
pointlessness of our own madness - and shame us, thereby, at least
by a degree or so, in the general direction of sanity. The Dead Sea
Scrolls offer a new perspective on the three great religions born in
the Middle East.
The more one examines those religions, the more one
will discern not how much they differ, but how much they overlap and
have in common - how much they derive from essentially the same
source - and the extent to which most of the quarrels between them,
when not precipitated by simple misunderstanding, have stemmed less
from spiritual values than from politics, from greed, from
selfishness and the presumptuous arrogance of interpretation.
Judaism, Christianity and Islam are all, at present, beset by a
resurgent fundamentalism.
One would like to believe — though this
may be too much to hope for — that greater understanding of their
common roots might help curb the prejudice, the bigotry, the
intolerance and fanaticism to which fundamentalism is chronically
prone.
17 January 1991 - 13
October 1991
Back
to Contents
Notes and References
Note
The full bibliographical details, when not cited here, are to be
found
in the Bibliography.
Preface
1 Eisenman, Maccabees, Zadokites, Christians and Qumran, p.xvi.
1 The Discovery of the Scrolls
1 The true story of the discovery will probably never be known. All
the various accounts differ in certain details. Arguments over the
correct sequence of events continued into the 1960s. For the
different accounts, see: Allegro, The Dead Sea Scrolls, pp.l7ff;
Brownlee, 'Muhammad Ed-Deeb's own Story of his Scroll Discovery',
pp. 236ff; 'Edh-Dheeb's Story of his Scroll Discovery', pp.483ff;
'Some New Facts Concerning the Discovery of the Scrolls of 1Q',
pp.417ff; Harding, The Times, 9 August 1949, p. 5; Samuel, 'The
Purchase of the Jerusalem Scrolls', pp.26ff; Treasure of Qumran,
pp.l42ff; Trever, 'When was Qumran Cave 1 Discovered?', pp.l35ff;
The Untold Story of Qumran, pp.25ff; Wilson, The Dead Sea Scrolls
1947-1969, pp.3ff.
2 See, for example, Brownlee, op. cit., p.486, and n.6; Allegro, op.
cit., p.20.
3 Wilson, op. cit,, p.4.
4 Van der Ploeg, The Excavations at Qumran, pp. 9-13.
5 Interviews, Miles Copeland, 10 April and 1 May 1990. A search of
CIA archives requested under the provisions of the Freedom of
Information Act has failed to locate the photographs.
6 Interview, 21 May 1990.
7 Yadin, The Message of the Scrolls, pp. 15-24, quoting Sukenik's
private
journal.
8 Ibid., p. 14.
9 Trever, The Untold Story ofQumran, p.85.
10 Time Magazine, 15 April 1957, p.39.
11 Allegro, op. cit., pp.38-9.
12 Ibid., p.41.
13 Pliny, Natural History, V, xv.
14 De Vaux, Archaeology and the Dead Sea Scrolls, pp. 134-5.
15 Reports of this survey can be found in the following: de Vaux,
'Exploration de la region de Qumran', pp.540ff.; Reed, 'The Qumran
Caves Expedition of March 1952', pp.8ff.
16 Ibid.
17 Allegro, The Treasure of the Copper Scroll, p.35.
18 Time Magazine, op. cit., p.38.
19 Yadin, op. cit., p.40.
20 Ibid., pp.41-52.
21 Sharon to Eisenman, 16 January 1990.
2 The International Team
1 Pryce-Jones, 'A New Chapter in the History of Christ?', p,12ff.
2 Ibid., p. 14.
3 Ibid.
4 Pryce-Jones to authors, 11 January 1990.
5 Interview, Magen Broshi, 12 November 1989.
6 Interview, Frank Cross, 18 May 1990.
7 Private communication.
8 Interview, Abraham Biran, 4 December 1989.
9 Interview, James Robinson, 3 November 1989.
10 North, 'Qumran and its Archaeology', p.429.
11 Interview, Norman Golb, 1 November 1989.
12 Interview, Shemaryahu Talmon, 8 November 1989.
13 Time Magazine, 14 August 1989, p.44.
14 BAR, May/June 1989, p.57; September/October 1989, p.20.
15 Interview, James Robinson, 3 November 1989.
16 See Robinson, 'The Jung Codex: the Rise and Fall of a Monopoly';
see also Robinson, 'Getting the Nag Hammadi Library into English'.
17 A total of three volumes of Discoveries in the Judaean Desert
dealing with the Cave 4 fragments have been published to date. There
remain, so far as the projected publication schedule is concerned,
fifteen further volumes dealing with Cave 4 texts and one more of
Cave 11.
18 New York Times, 26 June 1989, p.B4.
19 BAR, September/October 1985, p.6.
20 Ibid., p.66. The magazine adds: 'Obviously, the existence of this
factor is controversial and disputed.'
21 Ibid., p.66.
22 New York Times, op. cit., pp.Bl, B4.
23 The Chronicle of Higher Education, 5 July 1989, p.A7.
24 Cross, The Ancient Library of Qumran, p.30.
25 Allegro, The Dead Sea Scrolls, p.50.
26 This letter and many following are to be found in the private
correspondence file of John Allegro's papers.
3 The Scandal of the Scrolls
1 Wilson, The Dead Sea Scrolls 1947-1969, p. 77.
2 Ibid., pp.97-8.
3 Ibid., p.97.
4 Interview, Philip Davies, 10 October 1989.
5 There was, however, one 'rash' statement made by Wilson which, for
the record, should be dismissed. De Vaux told Wilson a story of
events during the Six Day War, when, according to Wilson's report,
the Israeli troops, upon entering the grounds of the Ecole Biblique
on 6 June 1967, sat priests, two at a time, as hostages in the open
courtyard. The threat was that they should be shot if any sniper
fire should come from the buildings of the Ecole or the associated
Monastery of St Stephen. See Wilson, op. cit., p.259. Interviews in
Israel have indicated that this event did not take place but was a
tale foisted upon Wilson by de Vaux. Wilson did not apparently check
this statement with any Israeli sources.
6 Interview, Shemaryahu Talmon, 8 November 1989.
7 Given to the Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres on 26 May
1950. Reported in Le Monde, 28-9 May 1950, p.4.
8 Brownlee, 'The Servant of the Lord in the Qumran Scrolls I', p.9.
9 Allegro to Strugnell, in a letter undated but written between 14
and 31 December 1955.
10 Ibid.
11 Ibid.
12 New York Times, 5 February 1956, p.2.
13 Ibid.
14 The Times, 8 February 1956, p.8.
15 Allegro to de Vaux, 9 February 1956.
16 Allegro to de Vaux, 20 February 1956.
17 Ibid.
18 Allegro to de Vaux, 7 March 1956.
19 Ibid.
20 Allegro to Cross, 6 March 1956.
21 The Times, 16 March 1956, p. 11.
22 The Times, 20 March 1956, p. 13.
23 Ibid.
24 Allegro to Strugnell, 8 March 1957.
25 Smyth, 'The Truth about the Dead Sea Scrolls', p.33.
26 Ibid., p.34.
27 Allegro to Claus-Hunno Hunzinger, 23 April 1956.
28 Harding to Allegro, 28 May 1956.
29 The Times, 1 June 1956, p. 12.
30 Allegro to Harding, 5 June 1956.
31 Ibid.
32 Ibid.
33 Allegro to Cross, 5 August 1956.
34 Allegro to de Vaux, 16 September 1956.
35 Allegro to team member (name withheld), 14 September 1959.
36 Team member (name withheld) to Allegro, 21 October 1959.
37 Allegro to de Vaux, 16 September 1956.
38 Ibid.
39 Allegro to Cross, 31 October 1957.
40 Ibid.
41 Allegro to James Muilenburg, 31 October 1957.
42 Allegro to Muilenburg, 24 December 1957.
43 Ibid.
44 Allegro to Dajani, 10 January 1959.
45 Ibid.
46 The Times, 23 May 1970, p.22.
47 The Times, 19 May 1970, p.2.
48 The Times, 26 May 1970, p.9.
49 The Daily Telegraph, 18 May 1987, p.ll.
50 The Times, 5 October 1970, p.4.
51 Wilson, op. cit., p. 125.
52 Vermes, The Dead Sea Scrolls: Qumran in Perspective, pp. 23-4.
53 Times Literary Supplement, 3 May 1985, p.502.
54 Ibid.
55 Eisenman has pointed to mention of 'the Poor' in the War Scroll;
see Eisenman, op. cit., p.43, n.23; p.62, n.105. This text states
that the Messiah will lead 'the Poor' to victory against the armies
of Belial (The War Scroll, XI,14 (Vermes, p.116 - Vermes for his own
reasons translates 'Belial' as 'Satan') ). For a more detailed
discussion, see Eisenman, 'Eschatological "Rain" Imagery in the War
Scroll from Qumran and in the Letter ofjames', p. 182.
56 Interview, Emile Puech, 7 November 1989.
57 BAR, March/April 1990, p. 24. This fragment is coded 4Q246 and
was first found and privately translated by the scholars in 1958.
58 Ibid.
4 Opposing the Consensus
1 The Times, 23 August 1949, p.5.
2 Ibid.
3 Jean Carmignac, review of Roth, The Historical Background of the
Dead Sea Scrolls. See Revue de Qumran, no.3, 1959 (vol.i, 1958-9),
p.447.
4 De Vaux made this assertion in 'Fouilles au Khirbet Qumran', Revue
biblique, vol.lxi (1954), p.233. He repeated it in his 'Fouilles de
Khirbet Qumran', Revue biblique, vol.lxiii (1956), p.567, and in
'Les manuscrits de Qumran et l'archeologie', Revue biblique,
vol.lxvi (1959), p. 100.
5 Roth, 'Did Vespasian Capture Qumran?', Palestine Exploration
Quarterly, July-December 1959, pp.l22ff.
6 Driver, The Judaean Scrolls, p.3.
7 De Vaux, review of Driver, The Judaean Scrolls. See New Testament
Studies, vol.xiii (1966-7), p. 97.
8 Ibid., p. 104.
9 Albright, in M. Black, ed. The Scrolls and Christianity, p. 15.
10 Eisenman to authors, 13 June 1990.
11 Eisenman to authors, 27 September 1989.
12 BAR, September/October 1985, p.66.
13 Ibid., p.6.
14 Ibid., p.66.
15 Ibid., p.70. BAR first called for the publication of the
unpublished
scrolls in May 1985.
16 Ibid.
17 Benoit to Cross, Milik, Starcky and Puech, Strugnell, E. Ulrich,
Avi (sic) Eitan, 15 September 1985.
18 Eitan to Benoit, 26 December 1985.
19 Interview, Yuval Ne'eman, 16 January 1990.
20 Ibid.
21 Eisenman, Maccabees, Zadokites, Christians and Qumran, p.xvi.
22 Eisenman to authors, 5 July 1990.
23 It is called 'MMT' from the first letters of three Hebrew words
occurring in the opening line: Miqsat Ma'aseh ha-Torah, 'Some
rulings upon the Law'. The text essentially gives the position of
the Qumran community on a selection of rules from the Torah.
24 Catalogue of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 07/04/81.
25 Eisenman to authors, 15 September 1990.
26 A copy of this timetable was published in BAR, July/August 1989,
p.20. Mrs Ayala Sussman of the Israeli Department of Antiquities
confirmed for us that this was the timetable. Interview with Ayala
Sussman, 7 November 1989.
27 Letter, Eisenman and Davies to Strugnell, 16 March 1989.
28 Letter, Eisenman and Davies to Drori, 2 May 1989.
29 Ibid.
30 Ibid.
31 Letter, Strugnell to Eisenman, 15 May 1989.
32 BAR, September/October 1989, p.20.
33 Letter, Strugnell to Eisenman, 15 May 1989.
34 Davies, 'How not to do Archaeology: The Story of Qumran',
pp.203-4.
5 Academic Politics and Bureaucratic Inertia
1 Florentino Garcia-Martinez to Eisenman, 4 October 1989.
2 New York Times, 9 July 1989, p.E26.
3 BAR, May/June 1990, p.67.
4 BAR, July/August 1990, p.44.
5 BAR, July/August 1989, p. 18.
6 BAR, November/December 1989, p.74.
7 BAR, July/August 1989, p. 18.
8 Ibid., p. 19.
9 Los Angeles Times, 1 July 1989, Part II, pp.20-21.
10 International Herald Tribune, 16 November 1989, p.2.
11 BAR, July/August 1990, p.47.
12 Time Magazine, 14 August 1989, p.44.
13 BAR, March/April 1990, cover.
14 BAR, July/August 1990, p.6.
15 Interview, Ayala Sussman, 7 November 1989.
16 Ibid.
17 Ibid.
18 Interview, Shemaryahu Talmon, 8 November 1989.
19 Ibid.
20 Ibid.
21 Interview, Shemaryahu Talmon, 9 November 1989.
22 Interview, Jonas Greenfield, 9 November 1989.
23 Conversation with Ayala Sussman, 10 November 1989.
24 Ibid.
25 Ibid.
26 Interview, Hilary Feldman, 4 December 1989.
27 Ibid.
6 The Onslaught of Science
1 Letter, Allegro to Muilenburg, 24 December 1957.
2 Letter, Strugnell to Allegro, 3 January 1956.
3 Wilson, The Dead Sea Scrolls 1947-i969, p. 138.
4 Allegro's suspicions about the international team were raised
during his summer at the 'Scrollery' in 1957. They crystallised
during the debacle of his television programme, the filming of which
took place in Jerusalem, Qumran and Amman in October 1957. He
planned to try to break up the international team and open the
scrolls to all qualified scholars. Then, in a letter to Awni Dajani
(curator of the Palestine Archaeological Museum) dated 10 January
1959, Allegro wrote: 'I think it would be a ripe opportunity to take
over the whole Museum, scrolls and all...' Allegro returned to
this theme in September 1966. On 13 September of that year he wrote
to Awni Dajani saying that he was very concerned about the situation
and that the Jordanian government should act. It is clear, though,
from a letter of 16 September 1966 (to Joseph Saad), that Allegro
had been told that the Jordanian government was planning to
nationalise the museum at the end of the year. Allegro then began a
series of letters regarding the preservation of the scrolls and
ideas for raising funds for research and publication. Then, as
adviser on the scrolls to the Jordanian government, he produced a
report on the present state and the future of scroll research which
he sent to King Hussein on 21 September 1966. The same day he also
sent a copy of the report to the Jordanian Prime Minister. The
Jordanian government nationalised the museum in November 1966.
5 BAR, July/August 1990, p.6.
6 Interview, Philip Davies, 10 October 1989.
7 Interview, Norman Golb, 1 November 1989.
8 Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement, 1887, p. 16.
9 De Rosa, Vicars of Christ, p. 179.
10 For a detailed account of the personal and political machinations
which lay behind the promulgation of this dogma, see Hasler, How the
Pope became Infallible.
11 Ibid., p.246.
12 Fogazzaro, The Saint, p.242.
13 Schroeder, Pere Lagrange and Biblical Inspiration, p. 13, n.7.
14 Ibid., p. 15.
15 Letter, Allegro to Cross, 5 August 1956.
16 Murphy, Lagrange and Biblical Renewal, p.60.
17 Ibid.
18 Ibid., p.62.
19 Ibid., p.64.
20 Ibid.
21 Ibid., 61-2.
22 De Vaux to Golb, 26 March 1970.
23 Interview, Norman Golb, 1 November 1989.
24 BAR, July/August 1990, p.45.
25 BAR, January/February 1990, p. 10.
26 Jerusalem Post Magazine, 29 September 1989, p. 11.
7 The Inquisition Today
1 New Catholic Encyclopaedia, vol.xi, p.551.
2 Ibid.
3 Annuario pontificio, 1989, p. 1187.
4 Annuario pontificio, 1956, p.978.
5 Annuario pontificio, 1973, p. 1036.
6 Annuario pontificio, 1988, p. 1139.
7 New Catholic Encyclopaedia, vol.xi, p.551.
8 Benjamin Wambacq, 'The Historical Truth of the Gospels', The
Tablet, 30 May 1964, p.619.
9 Ibid.
10 Hebblethwaite, Synod Extraordinary, p. 54. According to Pope John
Paul II, 'the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith has no
other purpose than to preserve from all danger... the
authenticity and integrity of... faith'; see Hebblethwaite, In the
Vatican, p.90.
11 Annuario pontificio, 1969, pp.967, 1080.
12 Schillebeeckx argues that the 'apostolic right' - the rights of
the local leaders of Church communities - 'has priority over the
Church order which has in fact grown up'. See Ministry: A Case for
Change, p.37.
13 Kung, Infallible? An Enquiry, p. 196.
14 Ibid., p. 102.
15 Ibid., p.18.
16 Kung, 'The Fallibility of Pope John Paul II', Observer, 23
December 1979, p. 11.
17 Ibid.
18 Sunday Times, 2 December 1984, p. 13.
19 Ibid.
20 Observer, 27 May 1990, p.l.
21 Independent, 27 June 1990, p. 10.
22 The Times, 27 June 1990, p. 9.
8 The Dilemma for Christian Orthodoxy
1 The Community Rule, III, 7ff. (Vermes, p.64). (As Vermes's
translations of the Dead Sea Scroll texts are the easiest to obtain
for the English speaking reader, page references to his work will be
added.)
2 Acts, 2:44-6.
3 The Community Rule, I, llff. (Vermes, p.62).
4 Ibid., VI, 2-3 (Vermes, p.69).
5 Ibid., VI, 22-3 (Vermes, p.70).
6 Eisenman, in James the Just in the Habakkuk Pesher, p.32, n.16,
draws important parallels between the ruling council of Qumran and
that of the 'early Church' in Jerusalem, under James.
7 The Commentary on Psalm 37, HI, 11 (Vermes, p.291). See also
Eisenman, Maccabees, Zadokites, Christians and Qumran, p. 108
(Ebion/ Ebionim), and pp.xiv, xvi, and 62-3.
8 The War Scroll, XIV, 7 (Vermes, p. 120).
9 The Community Rule, VIII, 21 (Vermes, p.73). See also Eisenman,
Maccabees, Zadokites, Christians and Qumran, p.42, n.21; pp. 89-90;
p. 109 for Tamimei-Derech.
10 The Community Rule, X, 21-2 (Vermes, p. 77).
11 The Community Rule, VIII, 7 (Vermes, p.72). See also Eisenman,
Maccabees, Zadokites, Christians and Qumran, p.80.
12 The Community Rule, I, 1 (Vermes, p.61-2).
13 The Habakkuk Commentary, VIII, 2-3 (Vermes, p.287). See also
Eisenman, James the Just in the Habakkuk Pesher, pp.37—40.
14 The Community Rule, I, 2-3 (Vermes, pp.61-2).
15 The Community Rule, VIII, 22ff. (Vermes, p.73). See also
Eisenman, Maccabees, Zadokites, Christians and Qumran, p.xii.
16 The Community Rule, II, 19 (Vermes, p.63).
17 Driver, The Judaean Scrolls, pp.316-30; Talmon, The World of
Qumranfrom Within, pp.147-85.
18 The Community Rule, VI, 4-6 (Vermes, p.69).
19 The Messianic Rule, II, 20-21 (Vermes, p. 102).
20 Danielou, The Dead Sea Scrolls and Primitive Christianity, p.27.
9 The Scrolls
1 Newsweek, 27 February 1989, p. 55.
2 The Community Rule, VII, 3 (Vermes, p.71; Vermes gives the words:
'whoever has deliberately lied'; these words do not exist in the
Hebrew original, which reads 'if he has spoken unwittingly').
3 Ibid, I, 16ff. (Vermes, p. 62).
4 Ibid., Ill, 6ff. (Vermes, pp.64).
5 Ibid., V, 9 (Vermes, p.67).
6 Ibid., IX, 23 (Vermes, p.75; translated by Vermes as 'zealous for
the Precept', which tends to obscure this important phrase).
7 Ibid, VI, 16ff. (Vermes, p.71).
8 Ibid., VIII, 3ff. (Vermes, p.72). See also Eisenman, Maccabees,
Zadokites, Christians and Qumran, p.42, n.21; for a detailed
discussion, see James the Just in the Habakkuk Pesher, p. 8.
9 The Community Rule, IX, 11 (Vermes, p.74).
10 The War Scroll, VI, 7 (Vermes, p.Ill; Vermes calls this document
'The War Rule').
11 Ibid., XI, 7 (Vermes, p. 116; Vermes translates 'Messiah' as
'Thine anointed' which obscures the import of this passage). See
also Eisenman, 'Eschatological "Rain" Imagery in the War Scroll from
Qumran and in the Letter of James', pp. 180-82.
12 The Temple Scroll, LXVI, lOff. (Vermes, p. 158). See also
Eisenman's appendix to James the Just in the Habakkuk Pesher,
entitled 'The "Three Nets of Belial" in the Zadokite Document and
"balla/BELA" in the Temple Scroll', pp.87-94.
13 Eisenman, ibid., p.89.
14 Ibid., demonstrating the niece-marriage connection to Herodians.
15 Parts of eight copies of the 'Damascus Document' were found in
Cave 4, parts of another in Cave 5 and one more in Cave 6.
16 Eisenman, appendix to James the Just in the Habakkuk Pesher, 'The
"Three Nets of Belial" in the Zadokite Document and "balla/bela" in
the Temple Scroll', pp.87-94.
17 The Damascus Document, VIII, 21-21b (Vermes, p.90). (All line
numbers for this document are from the edition of C. Rabin.)
18 Ibid., XX, 15 (Vermes, p.90).
19 Ibid., MS 'A', VII, 18-20 (Vermes, p.89).
20 Ibid., VII, 21a (Vermes, p.88); XX, 1 (Vermes, p.90); XII, 23
(Vermes, p.97); XIII, 20 (Vermes, p.98); XIV, 19 (Vermes, p.99).
21 See Eisenman, Maccabees, Zadokites, Christians and Qumran, p. 68,
n.120; p.69, n.122.
22 Ibid., p.42, n.19. In addition to the documents we have
mentioned, reference to the 'Liar' or to those who reject the Law
can be found in the Psalm 37 Commentary and other Qumran texts.
23 Ibid., p.xv.
24 Josephus, The Jewish Wars, VI, vi. See also Driver, The Judaean
Scrolls, pp. 211-14; Eisenman, James the Just in the Habakkuk
Pesher, p.27.
10 Science in the Service of Faith
1 See, for example, Vermes, The Dead Sea Scrolls in English, pp.29,
31; de Vaux, Archaeology and the Dead Sea Scrolls, pp.116-17.
2 Driver, The Judaean Scrolls, p.211.
3 De Vaux, in New Testament Studies, vol.xiii (1966-7), p.91.
4 Ibid., p.93.
5 Ibid.
6 Eisenman, in Maccabees, Zadokites, Christians and Qumran, exposes
de Vaux's treatment of Driver; see p.47, n.47; p.56, n.92; p.57,
n.93; p.72, n.129; p.83 (n.155).
7 North, 'Qumran and its Archaeology', p.434.
8 A British architect with previous experience of repairing
earthquake-damaged buildings was in charge of the reconstruction of
the Qumran ruins for the Jordanian government prior to the war of
1967. He stated that there was no evidence that the Qumran buildings
were damaged by earthquake and gave, as his opinion, that the crack
in the cistern was caused by the weight of water coupled with faulty
construction or repair. See Steckoll, 'Marginal Notes on the Qumran
Excavations',
p.34.
9 Callaway, The History of the Qumran Community, p.45.
10 Milik, Ten Years of Discovery in the Wilderness of Judaea, p. 52.
11 De Vaux, 'Fouilles au Khirbet Qumran', p.233. This article
appeared
in 1954.
12 De Vaux, in New Testament Studies, vol.xiii (1966-7), p. 104.
13 De Vaux, 'Les Manuscrits de Qumran et l'archeologie', p. 100.
14 Cross, The Ancient Library of Qumran, p.47.
15 Roth, 'Did Vespasian capture Qumran?', p. 124.
16 De Vaux, L'archeologie et les manuscrits de la mer morte, p.32,
n.l; Archaeology and the Dead Sea Scrolls, p.40, n.l. In addition,
it is worth noting that in the absence of any complete publication
of de Vaux's excavation results certain doubts linger about all his
coin discoveries. The Israeli coin expert Ya'acov Meshorer told
Eisenman that neither he nor anyone else he knew had ever seen de
Vaux's coins. Eisenman, Maccabees, Zadokites, Christians and Qumran,
p.93, n.173. See also p.94, n.175 for the so-called '10th Legion'
coin.
17 De Vaux, Archaeology and the Dead Sea Scrolls, p.67.
18 Ibid., pp.19, 22, 34, 37, 44-5. It is difficult to be precise
about the exact numbers of coins found and their identification
until the long-delayed publication of de Vaux's final report on the
excavation. The archaeological reports published in Revue biblique
have, by de Vaux's own admission, been incorrect with regard to the
coin identification. See ibid, p. 19, n.3.
19 Ibid., p. 109.
20 Eisenman, op. cit., p.34.
21 Ibid., p.92 (n.168).
22 De Vaux, op. cit., p.43.
23 Driver, op. cit., p.396.
24 Ibid., p.394.
25 De Vaux, in New Testament Studies, vol.xiii (1966-7), p.99, n.l.
26 Danielou, The Dead Sea Scrolls and Primitive Christianity,
pp.121—2.
27 De Vaux, Archaeology and the Dead Sea Scrolls, p. 28. See also
Eisenman, op. cit., p.94, n.174.
28 Cross, op. cit., p.51.
29 Driver, op. cit., p.397.
30 Golb, 'The Dead Sea Scrolls', p. 182. In Science Times, 21
November 1989, p.C8, Golb said of Qumran, 'There's nothing to show
it was anything but a fortress.'
31 Golb, 'The Problem of Origin and Identification of the Dead Sea
Scrolls', p.5.
32 Cross, op. cit., pp.86-7.
33 Cross, 'The Development of the Jewish Scripts', in Wright, The
Bible and the Ancient Near East, p. 135. See also Eisenman, op.
cit., pp.28-31; p.82, n.155; p.84, n.156 and n.157; p.86, n.158 and
n.159; p.87, n.l61;p.88, n.163.
34 Cross, ibid., p. 191, n.20.
35 Birnbaum, The Hebrew Scripts, p. 130. This was first pointed out
by Eisenman, op. cit., p.85 (n.157).
36 Eisenman, op. cit., p.85 (n.157).
37 Davies, 'How Not to do Archaeology: the Story of Qumran', p. 206.
38 Eisenman, op. cit., p.29.
39 Ibid., p.30.
40 Eisenman to authors, 7 July 1990.
41 Roth, 'The Zealots and Qumran: The Basic Issue', p.84.
11 The Essenes
1 The main classical references to the Essenes are found in:
Josephus, Life; The Jewish Wars, II, viii; Antiquities of the Jews,
XVIII, i Philo Judaeus, Every Good Man is Free, XII-XIII;
Hypothetica, 11 Pliny, Natural History, V, xv.
2 Josephus, The Jewish Wars, II, viii.
3 Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XV, x.
4 Josephus, The Jewish Wars, II, viii.
5 Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XV, x.
6 Ibid. This close relationship between the Essenes of Josephus'
description and King Herod the Great was explored in detail in
Eisenman, 'Confusions of Pharisees and Essenes in Josephus', a paper
delivered to the Society of Biblical Literature Conference in New
York, 1981.
7 Josephus, The Jewish Wars, II, viii.
8 Quoted by Dupont-Sommer, The Essene Writings from Qumran, p. 13.
9 Ibid.
10 Cross, The Ancient Library of Qumran, pp.37-8.
11 The standard elaboration of the consensus hypothesis is in de
Vaux, Archaeology and the Dead Sea Scrolls, pp.3-45.
12 Josephus, The Jewish Wars, II, viii.
13 Philo Judaeus, Every Good Man is Free, XII.
14 De Vaux, Archaeology and the Dead Sea Scrolls, pp. 12-14.
15 Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XV, x. See also on this,
Eisenman, James the Just in the Habakkuk Pesher, p. 79.
16 Philo Judaeus, Every Good Man is Free, XII.
17 Cross, The Ancient Library of Qumran, p.51.
18 Philo Judaeus, Every Good Man is Free, XII.
19 Vermes, 'The Etymology of "Essenes" ', p.439. See also Vermes,
The Dead Sea Scrolls: Qumran in Perspective, p. 126.
20 Eisenman, Maccabees, Zadokites, Christians and Qumran, p. 6.
21 Ibid., p. 108 (Derech, 'the Way'; ma'aseh, 'works'/'acts'); p.
109 (Tamimei-Derech, 'the Perfect of the Way'; Tom-Derech,
'Perfection of the Way'). See also the discussion on p.41, n.17.
22 Ibid., p. 109.
23 Epiphanius of Constantia, Adversus octoginta haereses, I, i,
Haeres xx (Migne, 41, col.273).
24 Eisenman, op. cit., p. 44, n.30.
25 Black, 'The Dead Sea Scrolls and Christian Origins', in Black,
The Scrolls and Christianity, p. 99.
26 Eisenman, James the Just in the Habakkuk Pesher, p.99 (Nozrei
ha-Brit).
27 Ibid., pp.vii-x.
28 The Habakkuk Commentary, XII, 7ff. (Vermes, p. 289).
12 The Acts of the Apostles
1 Eisenman, Maccabees, Zadokites, Christians and Qumran, pp. xiii,
4—6.
2 Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XVIII, i. See also ibid., p.59,
n.99.
3 Eisenman, op. cit., pp. 10-11, 22-3. For arguments regarding the
'Stephen' episode being a reworking of an attack upon James as
recorded in the Recognitions of Clement (I, 70), see p.76, n.144,
and also James the Just in the Habakkuk Pesher, p.4, n.ll; p.39.
4 Eisenman, Maccabees, Zadotites, Christians and Qumran, p. 41,
n.17.
5 Ibid., p.68, n.120; p.69, n.122. Eisenman sees both 'Damascus'
references as generically parallel.
6 The Community Rule, VI, 14-23 (Vermes, p.70). The sense is not
entirely clear: this novitiate period was at least two years with
the third year being the first of full membership; or, the novitiate
itself took three years with the fourth year being the first of full
membership. See Vermes, The Dead Sea Scrolls in English, p. 7.
7 Eisenman, James the Just in the Habakkuk Pesher, pp. 30-32.
8 Eisenman points to the psychological attitude demonstrated in
Paul's first letter to the Corinthians where he, among other
precepts, explains the necessity of 'winning':
So though I am not a slave of any man I have made myself the slave
of everyone so as to win as many as I could. I made myself a Jew to
the Jews, to win the Jews ... To those who have no Law, I was free
of the Law myself ... to win those who have no Law ... All the
runners at the stadium are trying to win, but only one of them gets
the prize. You must run in the same way, meaning to win. (1
Corinthians 9:19-27).
9 Eisenman, James the Just in the Habakkuk Pesher, pp. 30-32.
10 Ibid.; see also p.57, n.39 (where Eisenman reviews Paul's
'defamation of the Jerusalem leadership' in his letters).
11 The Damascus Document, XV, 12-14 (Vermes, p.92).
12 Acts 23:23 states unequivocally that there were 200 soldiers, 200
auxiliaries and 70 cavalry as the escort.
13 Eisenman, James the Just in the Habakkuk Pesher, p. 3.
13 James 'The Righteous'
1 While Acts never explicitly states that James is the 'leader' of
the Jerusalem community, in Acts 15:13-21 and 21:18 he has a
prominent role. The latter tellingly states that 'Paul went... to
visit James, and all the elders were present'. This puts the elders
in a subordinate position to James. Paul, in his letter to the
Galatians (2:9), states: 'James, Cephas and John, these leaders,
these pillars'. Later, this same letter (2:11-12) clearly shows that
Cephas is subordinate to James (Cephas = Peter). John is barely
mentioned in Acts after the introduction of Paul. Later Church
writers specifically call James the leader of the early
'Christians'.
2 For example, James 2:10: 'if a man keeps the whole of the Law,
except for one small point at which he fails, he is still guilty of
breaking it all'. See Eisenman, James the Just in the Habakkuk
Pesher, p.2, n.6; p.21, n.l; p.25; p.58 (n.39).
3 In the Greek text it reads as here. Curiously, The Jerusalem Bible
translated primarily by de Vaux and the members of the Ecole
Biblique obscures the sense with the reading: 'It was you who
condemned the innocent and killed them...'
4 Recognitions of Clement, I, 70.
5 Ibid.
6 Eisenman, when discussing this incident, notes that six weeks
later, when in Caesarea, Peter mentions that James was still limping
as a result of his injury. As Eisenman says, 'Details of this kind
are startling in their intimacy and one should hesitate before
simply dismissing them as artistic invention.' See Eisenman, op.
cit, p.4, n.ll.
7 Recognitions of Clement, I, 71.
8 Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XX, ix.
9 Eusebius, The History of the Church, 2, 1; 2, 23.
10 Ibid., 2, 1.
11 A number of the older monasteries in Spain have, since their
foundation, systematically collected all available texts both
orthodox and heretical. As these monasteries have never been
plundered, their holdings remain intact. Unfortunately, access to
their libraries is severely restricted.
12 Eusebius, op. cit., 2, 23.
13 Eisenman, op. cit., p.3.
14 Ibid.
15 Eusebius, op. cit., 2, 23.
16 Eisenman, op. cit., p. 10.
17 Eusebius, op. cit., 2, 23.
18 Ibid.
19 Ibid. See also Eisenman, op. cit., p.28, n.12; p.60, n.40
(referring to Origen, Contra celsum, 1.47; 2.13).
20 Herod Agrippa II.
21 Eisenman, op. cit., pp.63-5.
22 The Habakkuk Commentary, II, 2 (Vermes, p.284).
23 Ibid., II, 3-4 (Vermes, p.284).
24 Ibid., V, 11-12 (Vermes, p.285).
25 Ibid., X, 9-10 (Vermes, p.288).
26 Ibid., X, 11-12 (Vermes, p.288).
27 For a comprehensive review of Paul's sensitivity to the charge of
lying, see Eisenman, op. cit., p.39, n.24.
28 Eisenman, op. cit., p.viii, points out the important difference
between the 'Liar' and the 'Wicked Priest'. This distinction must be
made before any historical sense can be made of the texts. The
consensus position is that the 'Liar' and the 'Wicked Priest" are
the same person. See Vermes, The Dead Sea Scrolls in English, p.30.
29 The Habakkuk Commentary, IX, 2 (Vermes, p. 287). See Eisenman,
op. cit., pp.50-51, where he explains that the passage would read
more accurately as: 'they took vengeance upon the flesh of his
corpse'. This relates the passage very closely to the known facts of
Ananas' death. See also Eisenman, 'Interpreting "Arbeit Galuto" in
the Habakkuk Pesher', which connects this phrase to the Sanhedrin
trial of James.
30 The Habakkuk Commentary, XII, 7ff. (Vermes, p. 289).
31 Eisenman to authors, 22 August 1990.
32 The Habakkuk Commentary, VIII, Iff. (Vermes, p.287). See also
Eisenman, op. cit., pp.37-9, for a discussion of this reference to
'faith'.
33 Eisenman, ibid.
14 Zeal for the Law
1 Eisenman, Maccabees, Zadokites, Christians and Qumran, p. 44,
n.30.
2 Ibid., p.6.
3 Ibid., p.8; p.45, n.36 (quoting Wernberg-Meller).
4 Ibid., p. 12; p.49, n.58; see also p.26.
5 Ibid., p. 12.
6 Ibid., p. 13; p.49, n.58. See Numbers 25:7ff. Mattathias invokes
this covenant in his dying speech (1 Mace. 2:54): 'Phinehas our
father, because he was deeply zealous, received the covenant of
everlasting priesthood.' (Revised Standard Version)
7 Eisenman to authors, 29 August 1990.
8 Ibid., pp. 13-16; p.45, n.36.
9 Ibid., p.44, n.30.
10 Ibid., p. 10.
11 Ibid., p.90, n.164. This terminology of 'purist' and 'Herodian'
Sadducees derives from Eisenman. The 'purist' Sadducees, or the
'Zealots', were, after 4 BC, 'Messianic' in their ideology. Hence
Eisenman refines his terminology on occasion to speak of the post-4 BC groups rather as 'Messianic Sadducees' and 'Boethusian Sadducees'
- the latter after Simon ben Boethus, whom Herod established as high
priest. In our text, we have retained the simpler division into
'purist' and 'Herodian' groups. This approach provides the key to
understanding the 'MMT' document.
12 Josephus, The Jewish Wars, II, i. See Eisenman, op. cit.,
pp.25-6.
13 Josephus, op. cit., II, iv.
14 Ibid., II, viii.
15 Eisenman, op. cit., p.53, n.79; p.75, n.140.
16 Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XVIII, i.
17 Ibid., XVII, x.
18 Josephus, The Jewish Wars, II, xvii.
19 Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XVIII, i.
20 This material received an early public airing in a paper given by
Eisenman to the Society of Biblical Literature at its meeting in New
York in 1981, 'Confusions of Pharisees and Essenes in Josephus'.
21 The Interlinear Greek-English New Testament, Acts 21:20.
22 Eisenman, op. cit., pp.5-9.
23 Ibid., p.58, n.95.
24 Ibid., pp.36-7; p.90, n.164; p.96 (n.179).
25 Josephus, The Jewish Wars, VII, x; the translation of G.A.
Williamson is used here (The Jewish War, pp.392-3).
26 Eisenman, op. cit., p.96, n.180.
27 Ibid., pp.25-6.
28 Ibid., p.73, n.132; listing The Damascus Document, VII, 18-21;
The War Scroll, XI, 5ff; A Messianic Testimonia (4QTest), 9-13.
29 The Damascus Document, VII, 18-21.
30 Tacitus, The Histories, V, xiii; the translation of K. Wellesley
is used here (p.279). See also Suetonius, The Twelve Caesars,
Vespasian, 4; translation by R. Graves (p.281).
31 Eisenman, op. cit., p.25.
32 Gichon, 'The Bar Kochba War', p. 88.
33 Ibid., p.92.
34 Ibid., pp.89-90.
35 Gichon to authors, 12 January 1990.
15 Zealot Suicide
1 The last sentence of this quote from Matthew is a pure
Qumran-style statement opposing the methods of 'the Liar'.
2 Josephus, The Jewish Wars, VII, ix.
3 Ibid., VII, viii; the translation used is that of G.A. Williamson,
The Jewish War, p. 387.
4 Ibid. (Williamson, p.390).
5 Ibid., Ill, viii.
6 Yadin, Masada, pp. 187-8. Yadin makes nothing of this fact. See
Eisenman, Maccabees, Zadokites, Christians and Qumran, p. 22; p. 67
n.117.
7 Ibid., p.62 n.105.
8 The War Scroll, I, 6-8 (Vermes, p. 105).
16 Paul - Roman Agent or Informer?
1 Especially 1 Corinthians 9:19-27. See above, Chapter 11, n.8.
2 Eisenman to authors, 24 August 1990.
3 Eisenman, James thejust in the Habakkuk Pesher, p.16, n.39; p.59,
n.39.
4 Eisenman, Maccabees, Zadokites, Christians and Qumran, p.62,
n.105, makes the point that 'Paul's "Gentile mission", overriding
the demands of the Law and addressed equally "to Jews and Gentiles
alike" ... is perfectly in line with the exigencies of Herodian
family policy.' Eisenman has made a detailed examination of all the
evidence surrounding Paul's links with the ruling families in a
paper 'Paul as Herodian' delivered to the Society of Biblical
Literature, 1983.
Postscript
1 Bar-Adon, 'Another Settlement of the Judean Desert Sect'.
2 Eusebius, The History of the Church, VI, 16 (p.256).
3 Ibid.
4 Braun, 'Ein Brief des Katholikos Timotheos I', p.305.
5 The full story of Shapira is told in Allegro, The Shapim Affair.
6 Ibid., pp. 114-19.
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