4 - Rockefeller - The Evil Genie

No other industry has been corrupted as much as the mighty, powerful petroleum industry, and no other industry has as justly earned the epithets hurled against it. When the American Indians led Father Joseph de la Roche D'AIlion, a French Franciscan missionary, to the mysterious pool of black waters in Western Pennsylvania, they could not have imagined what horrible results would come from it.

The oil industry has survived all attempts to breach its walls, whether by government or by private citizens. The U.S. oil industry has survived personal vendettas by the late senators Henry Jackson and Frank Church, and has emerged from numerous investigations with aplomb and its secrets intact Not even anti-trust suits could break its power.

The petroleum industry cannot be mentioned without naming John D. Rockefeller, who created Standard Oil of New Jersey. The Rockefeller name is also synonymous with greed and an unwavering lust for power. The hatred the majority of Americans feel for the Rockefellers started when the "Big Hand" surfaced in the Pennsylvania oil regions. It began among the descendants of the pioneer drillers who flocked to Titusville and Pit Head when the black "gold rush" was getting into its stride in 1865.

John D. Rockefeller's ability to rob prospectors and drillers of their oil claims is strangely reminiscent of the "pioneering" efforts of Cecil John Rhodes, Barny Barnato and other Rothschild-Warburg agents who provided the money for daylight robbery and chicanery practiced by these con artists on the Kimberly diamond and the Rand gold claims owners. Nelson Rockefeller once claimed that the family fortune was "an accident," but the facts speak otherwise.

The paranoia and need for secrecy that surrounded John D. Rockefeller was handed down to his sons and adopted as a successful defense against outside prying into oil matters. Today, the Committee of 300 accounting firm of Price Waterhouse does the accounts in such a way that even the best accountants and various Senate committees have not been able to unlock the Rockefeller finances. Such is the nature of the beast The question is often asked: "Why was Rockefeller so profoundly crooked?" One can only surmise that it was inherent in his nature.

John D. Rockefeller did not believe in letting friendship stand in the way of his progress, and warned his sons never to let "good fellowship get a hold of you." His favorite dogma concerned the wise old owl who said nothing and heard much. Early photographs of John D. show a long, grim face, small eyes, without a trace of any human qualities.

In view of his appearance, it is all the more wonder that the Clark brothers allowed John D. in as their bookkeeper, and then, as a partner in their refinery. The brothers soon found out that Rockefeller was not to be trusted. In a short space of time, they were forced out; "bought out" according to John D.


Ida Tarbell's book "The History of the Standard Oil Company", which is rich with examples of Rockefeller's cast-iron ruthlessness and his inhumanity to all, except himself.

The Standard Oil Company was the most secretly run company in the history of the United States, a tradition carried on by Exxon and its affiliates today. It is said that Standard oil was bolted down and barricaded like a fortress. Rockefeller's image became so tarnished that he hired Ivy Lee, a public relations man to help him remake his image into one of a philanthropist. But in spite of his best efforts, Lee was unable to remove the legacy of hatred left by John D. The tarnished image of Standard and the Rockefellers has carried over into the 1990s and will probably be there forever. Standard Oil was to be the standard bearer for the oil industry in its conduct toward nations with oil and gas reserves beneath their soil.

The Rockefellers have always been a law unto themselves, and very early on, they decided that the only way to escape taxation was to place the bulk of their funds and assets outside of the United States. Already

But Rockefeller's march across the continents did not go unchallenged. Public resentment of Standard reached new levels after to writers like Ida Tarbell and H.D. Lloyd exposed the fact that Standard was a company with an army of spies above local, state and federal government,

"who have declared war, negotiated peace, reduced courts, legislature and sovereign states to an unequaled obedience to its will."

Angry complaints poured into the Senate when the American people were told about Standard's monopoly practices which resulted in the Sherman Anti-trust Act. But so deliberately vague was the law, which left several issues unaddressed, that compliance was easily avoided by Rockefeller and his brood of lawyers. Rockefeller once described it as "an exercise in public relations with no teeth to it". Never was John D. Rockefeller's influence in the Senate more keenly felt than during the Sherman Anti-trust debates. It was a time when individual senators were subjected to great pressure by Rockefeller lobbyists.

Rockefeller suffered a temporary setback when, on May 11,1911 Chief Justice Edward White handed down his decision in an anti-trust case brought against Standard by Frank Kellogg: Standard was to shed all of its subsidiaries within 6 months. Rockefeller responded by employing an army of writers who explained that the "special nature" of the oil trade did not lend itself to normal business methods; it had to be treated as a special entity, to be handled just as John D. Rockefeller had done.

To dilute Judge White's ruling, Rockefeller set up his own form of government. The new "government" took the form of foundations and philanthropic institutions, modeled after the patronage system of the royal courts of Europe. These institutions and foundations would shield the Rockefeller fortune from income tax, which his paid hirelings in the Senate had warned him would be coming in the years ahead.

This was the beginning of the petroleum industry's "government within government," power which is still in place today. No doubt the CFR owes its rapid rise to power to Rockefeller and Harold Pratt In 1914, a member of the Senate called Rockefeller's empire, "the secret government of the United States." Rockefeller's strategists called for a private intelligence agency, and following their advice, Rockefeller literally bought the personnel and equipment of Reinhardt Heydrich's SS intelligence service, which today is known as "Interpol."

With intelligence likened to the best of Heydrich's SS intelligence behind them, the Rockefellers were able to infiltrate countries, virtually take over their governments, change their tax laws and foreign policies and, then pressure the U.S. government to fall in. If taxation laws became tougher, the Rockefellers would simply get the law changed. It is this bacillus in the oil industry that closed out local production that would have made America totally independent of foreign oil. The net result? Higher prices for the American consumer and obscene profits for the oil companies.

The Rockefellers were soon on the scene in the Middle East, but their efforts to gain concessions were blocked by Harry F. Sinclair. It seems that Sinclair was able to beat out the Rockefellers at every turn. Then came a dramatic reversal, the Tea Pot Dome Scandal in which Sinclair's close friend, Secretary of the Interior Albert Fall, and Fall's friend Dahoney were indicted for grabbing the Tea Pot Dome and Elk Hills Naval Oil Reserves for private gain. There were many who voiced concern that the Tea Pot Dome Scandal was set up by the Rockefellers to discredit and remove Sinclair as an unwelcome competitor.

The scandal shook Washington, and cost Fall his job, (the origin of the term "fall guy"). Sinclair was barely able to stay out of prison. All of his lucrative contracts with Persia and Russia were canceled. To this day it is widely suspected, but not proved, that the Tea Pot Dome scandal was a Rockefeller "sting" operation. Eventually, most of Sinclair's concessions in the Middle East, with the exception of those held by Britain, passed into Rockefeller hands.

Events in Iran were soon to prove the power of Rockefeller and his British associates. In 1941, when Reza Shah Pahlavi of Iran refused to join the so-called "allies" against Germany and expel its nationals from the country, Churchill flew into a rage and thereupon ordered an invasion of Iraq, in which he was joined by his Bolshevik Russian allies. By permitting Russian troops to enter Iran, Churchill opened the door to a Russian presence in the region, one of Stalin's longed-for goals. This was a shocking betrayal of the Iranian people and the West in general, and showed that the Rockefeller influence was international.

Such is the power of the petroleum companies, especially those controlled by the Rockefellers. The representatives of Standard Oil and Royal Dutch Shell oil companies advised Churchill to arrest and expel Reza Shah, which he promptly did, sending him first to Mauritius and then to South Africa, where he died in exile. Documents I examined in the British Museum in London show extensive intervention by the Rockefellers in Middle East politics.

In the British parliament, Churchill crowed:

"We (the oil companies), have just chased a dictator into exile and installed a constitutional government pledged to a whole catalog of serious-minded reforms."

What he did not say, was that the "constitutional government" was a puppet government selected by the oil companies, and its "whole catalog of reforms" was for the sole purpose of further entrenching American and British oil interests to get even bigger cuts of oil revenues.

But by 1951, the nationalistic mood sweeping the Middle East, which had begun in Egypt where Col. Gamal Abdel Nasser was bent on ousting the British from control of the country, spread to Iran as well. At this time, a genuine Iranian patriot, Dr. Mohamed Mossadegh, emerged to challenge Churchill's puppet government Mossadegh's main thrust was to break the power of the foreign oil companies. He judged the mood of the Iranian people as ripe for such a move.

This deeply alarmed the Rockefellers, who appealed to Britain for help. Mossadegh told Rockefeller and British Petroleum that he would not abide by their concession agreements. David Rockefeller is said to have developed a personal hatred of Mossadegh. Because of this, British Petroleum appealed to the British government to "put an end to the nuisance Mossadegh was creating."


Churchill, eager to comply with the demands of the Seven Sisters oil cartel (made up of the seven major British and American oil companies in the Middle East), asked the U.S. for help.

A talented, well-educated and astute politician from a wealthy back ground, Mossadegh's desire to help the Iranian people benefit from their national resource was genuine. In May of 1951, Dr. Mossadegh nationalized Iranian oil. An international advertising campaign was launched against Mossadegh, who was depicted as silly little man running around Teheran in his pajamas, immersed in emotion. This was far from the truth.

Led by the Rockefeller oil companies and backed by the U.S. State Department, an international boycott of Iranian oil was ordered. Iranian oil soon became unsoldable. The State Department declared its support for Churchill's puppet government in Teheran, which was installed when the Shah refused to join the allies in the war against Germany.

At the same time, the CIA and MI6 launched a joint operation against Mossadegh. It was code-named "Operation Ajax". What followed was a classic example of how governments are subverted and toppled through diplomacy by deception. Churchill, who had lost the election after the war ended, was returned to power by a thoroughly brainwashed British public.


He used his office to wage war against Dr. Mossadegh and the Iranian people through highwayman and pirate tactics as the following example shows:

The "Rose Marie," which sailed in international waters carrying Iranian oil, was not in breach of any international laws or treaties when it was ordered by Churchill to be intercepted by the Royal Air Force, and was forced to sail for Aden, a port under British control. The hijacking of a ship at sea had the full backing of the U.S. State Department, at the Rockefeller family suggestion.

My source in London whose job it is to monitor the oil industry, told me in 1970 that Churchill was restrained by his cabinet only with difficulty from ordering the RAF to bomb the "Rose Marie." A year passed, in which Iran suffered great financial losses. In 1953, Dr. Mossadegh wrote to President Dwight D. Eisenhower asking for help. He might as well have written to Rockefeller. Eisenhower, playing a game of nerves, did not respond.

The tactic had the desired effect of frightening Mossadegh. Finally, Eisenhower did reply, and in the classic style of diplomacy by deception, advised the Iranian leader to "abide by Iran's international obligations." Mossadegh continued to defy both the British and American governments. The oil companies sent a deputation to see Eisenhower to ask that immediate measures be taken to remove Mossadegh.

Kermit Roosevelt, who headed the CIA's covert operation against Mossadegh, worked tirelessly to establish forces inside Teheran that could be used to cause unrest. Large sums of money, said by my source to have amounted to $3 million, changed hands. In April of 1953, Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, under intense pressure from the international bankers, tried to dismiss Dr. Mossadegh, but the attempt failed. The CIA and MI6-equipped army of agents, started to attack the military. Fearing assassination, the Shah fled, and Mossadegh was toppled in August 1953. The cost to American taxpayers was almost $10 million.

It is worth noting that even while Kermit Roosevelt was preparing the CIA's covert operation against Dr. Mossadegh in 1951, his Rockefeller partners were facing judicial proceedings in Washington that should have caused a halt to operations in Iran. The fact is that the all powerful petroleum industry knew it could beat back the challenge as it had done with all others. Justice Department proceedings were launched against Exxon, Texaco, Standard Gulf, Mobil and Socal. (No effort was made to go after Shell and BP).

Standard Oil immediately commissioned Dean Acheson to blunt the inquiry. Acheson proves a good example of how Rockefeller used important people in government and the private sector to override the government of Washington. Early in 1952, Acheson went on the attack. Citing the interests of the State Department in protecting America's foreign policy initiatives, thereby tacitly admitting that the major oil companies were running State's foreign policy, Acheson demanded that the investigation be shelved in the interest of not weakening "our good relations in the Near East"

Acheson failed to mention the uproar and instability being created at that very moment in Iran by Rockefeller, the CIA and MI6. The Attorney General responded with a sharply-worded attack on the oil monopolists, warning that petroleum should be freed,

"from the grip of the few; free enterprise can only be preserved by safeguarding it from excess of power, both government and private."

Hethen accused the cartel of acting in a way that endangered national security.

Rockefeller immediately ordered that damage control efforts put in place through his contacts inside the State and Justice Departments. (To this day, both are infested with CFR-Rockefeller agents.) Acheson publicly denounced the investigation as an action "by police dogs from the antitrust who want no truck with mammon and the unrighteous." His tone of voice was at all times belligerent and threatening. Acheson lined up support for Rockefeller from the Defense and Interior Departments, who vouched for the Seven Sisters in a most astounding manner.

"The companies (the major oil companies) play a vital role in supplying the free world's most essential commodity. American oil operations are for all practical purposes instruments of our foreign policy."

Dean Acheson then attempted to raise the bogeyman of Soviet interference in the Middle East, which was nothing more than a red herring to distract attention away from how the oil companies operated. Eventually, all criminal charges against the cartel were dropped

To show their utter contempt for U.S. law, the representatives of the major oil companies met in London in 1924 to avoid possible conspiracy charges at the request of Sir William Fraser. The letter that Fraser wrote to the top executives of Standard, Mobil, Texaco, BP.

The conspirators met again in London one month later, where they were joined by the CEO of the French company, Francias de Petroles. An agreement was reached to form a consortium that would control the Iranian oil. The new body was called a "consortium" as the use of the word "cartel" in America was deemed to be injudicious. Success was guaranteed, American executives told their foreign counterparts, because the State Department had given its blessing to the London meeting.

As far as the State Department was concerned, the Seven Sisters played a key role in the Middle East in fending off Communist penetration in an area of vital concern to the United States. Given the fact that in 1942, the very same oil companies backed Churchill in bringing Soviet Bolshevik troops to invade Iran, thereby giving Stalin his greatest opportunity to get a foothold in the Middle East, this was not exactly the truth.

Throughout the Justice Department proceedings, which began in October of 1951, State Department witnesses kept referring to the petroleum industry as "the so-called cartel." The State Department is densely populated with Rockefeller agents, perhaps more so than any of the other government institutions which David Rockefeller controls.

It remains my firm conviction to this day that a way has not yet been found to break the Rockefeller chains that bind the oil companies and this nation to the Council on Foreign Relations, which controls every facet of our foreign policy toward the oil nations of the world. It is a situation that we, the people, will have to confront, hopefully sooner rather than later.

In Washington, civil proceedings against the petroleum cartel fizzled out in the face of threats by the Council on Foreign Relations, which was backed by its puppet, President Eisenhower. Eisenhower said that the national security interests of the United States were being threatened by the proceedings. CFR puppet Eisenhower instructed his Attorney General Herbert Brownell Jr. to tell the court that the "anti-trust laws must be deemed secondary to the national security interests."

While Kermit Roosevelt was going at it hammer and tongs in Teheran, Eisenhower and Dulles offered the court a compromise that would, in Eisenhower's words,

"protect the interests of the free world in the Near East as a major source of petroleum supplies."

No wonder that the Ayatollah Khomeini decades later, would call the United States "the great Satan." Khomeini was not referring to the people of the United States, but to their government.

Khomeini knew full well that the ordinary American was the victim of a conspiracy, that they were lied to, cheated, robbed and forced to sacrifice the blood of millions of their sons in foreign wars in which they had absolutely no reason to take part. Khomeini, an avid student of history, knew all about the Federal Reserve Act which he said "kept the people in the grip of slavery." When the U.S. embassy in Teheran was seized by revolutionary guards, several compromising documents fell into Khomeini's hands which clearly showed CIA involvement with British Petroleum, Standard and the other major oil companies.

Once the coup was declared a success, the Shah returned to his palace. Little did he know that two decades later he would suffer the same fate as Mossadegh, at the hands of the petroleum industry and its surrogate governments in Washington and London: the CIA and MI6. The Shah thought he could trust David Rockefeller, but like many others, it was not long before he realized that his trust was sadly misplaced.

Having access to the documents Mossadegh had dug up, which showed the extent of the plundering of Iran's national resource, the Shah quickly became disenchanted with London and Washington. Upon hearing the news of revolts in Mexico and Venezuela against Rockefeller and Shell, and coupled with the news about Saudi Arabia's "Golden Gimmick," the Shah began to pressure Rockefeller and the British for a larger share of the Iranian oil revenues which, at that time, amounted to only 30 percent of the total amount of oil revenues enjoyed by the oil companies.

Other countries had felt the lash of the petroleum industry as well. Mexico is a classic case of petroleum companies foreign policy making ability which transcended national boundaries and cost American consumers a huge fortune. Oil, it seemed, was the foundation of a new economic order, with undisputed power in the hands of a few people hardly known outside of the petroleum industry.

The "majors" have been referred to a number of times. This is shorthand for the major oil companies that form the most successful cartel in the history of commerce. Exxon (called Esso in Europe), Shell, BP, Gulf, Texaco, Mobil and Socol-Chevron. Together they form part of a major network of interlocking, interfacing banks, insurance companies and brokerage houses controlled by the Committee of 300, which are hardly known outside their circle.

The reality of the One World Government, or New World Order upper level government, brooks no interference from anyone, no matter who it might be -even powerful national governments — the rulers of nations great and small, corporations or private people. These supranational giants have expertise and accounting methods that have flummoxed the best brains in government, out of whose reach they remain. Through diplomacy by deception it seems the majors were able to induce governments to parcel out oil concessions to them, no matter who opposed it John D. Rockefeller would very much have approved this closed shop, run for the last 68 years by Exxon and Shell.

It is evident from the vastness and the complexity of their operations, most often carried out like clockwork and often involving activities in several countries at the one time, that the petroleum industry is one of the most powerful components that make up the economic operations of the Committee of 300.

In secret, the Seven Sisters club has plotted wars and decided amongst themselves which governments must bow to their depredations. When trouble arises, such as in the case of Dr. Mossadegh, and later President Saddam Hussein of Iraq, it is only a matter of calling upon the right airforce, navy, army, intelligence service to solve the problem and get rid of the "nuisance." It can be no more trouble than swatting a fly. The Seven Sisters became a government within a government, and nowhere is this more the case than with Rockefeller's Standard Oil (SOCO Exxon-Chevron.)

If one would like to know American and British foreign policies for Saudi Arabia, Iran or Iraq, one need only study the policies of BP, Exxon, Gulf Oil and ARAMCO. What is our policy in Angola? It is to protect Gulf Oil properties in that country, even though it means supporting an avowed Marxist. Who would have imagined that Gulf, Exxon, Chevron and ARAMCO have more say about American foreign affairs than members of Congress? Indeed, who would imagine that. Standard Oil would one day control the foreign policy of the United States and have the State Department acting as if it were run for its own economic benefit?

Is any other group so exalted, so favored with showers of tax concessions that run into billions of dollars per annum? I am often asked why it is that the American domestic petroleum industry, once so bustling and full of promise, went into a steep decline. The answer, in one word, is greed. For this reason, domestic production of oil had to be curtailed, in case the public should ever discover what was going on. This knowledge is much more difficult to obtain when dealing with foreign operations. What does the American public know about what goes on in the oil politics of Saudi Arabia? Even while making record profits, the petroleum industry demands and gets additional tax breaks, both open — and hidden — from public view.

Have the citizens of the United States benefited from the huge profits made by Exxon, Texaco, Chevron and Mobil (before it was sold?) The answer is no, because most of the profit was made "up-stream," that is, outside of the United States, which is where the profits were kept, while the U.S. consumer paid ever-rising prices for gas at the pumps.

Rockefeller's main area of concern became Saudi Arabia. The oil companies, by various stratagems, had entrenched themselves with King Ibn Saud. The king, worried that Israel would one day threaten his country and strengthen the Israeli lobby in Washington, needed something that would give him an edge. The State Department, at the urging of the Rockefellers, said it could only follow a pro-Saudi policy without upsetting Israel by using Exxon (ARAMCO) as a front This information was given to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. It was so sensitive that committee staffers were not even allowed to see it.

Rockefeller had in fact paid only a small fee, $500,000, to secure a major oil concession from Ibn Saud. After considerable diplomacy, a deception was worked out, a deception which cost American taxpayers at least $50 million in its first year. What came out of the discussions between Exxon and Ibn Saud is known as "the Golden Gimmick" in the inner sanctums of Rockefeller board rooms. The American oil companies agreed to pay a subsidy to the Saudi ruler of not less that $50 million a year, based on the amount of Saudi oil pumped. The State Department would then allow the American companies to declare such subsidy payment as "foreign income tax," which Rockefeller, for example, could deduct from Exxon's U.S. taxes.

With production of cheap Saudi oil soaring, so did the subsidy payments soar. This is one of the greatest scams perpetrated upon the American public. The bottom line of the plan was that huge foreign aid payments were made annually to the Saudis under the guise of "subsidies." When the Israeli government uncovered the scheme, it too, demanded "subsidies" which today amount to $13 billion per annum — all at the expense of American taxpayers.

Since the American consumer actually helps pay for cheaper imported crude oil than domestic crude oil, shouldn't we benefit from this arrangement through cheaper gasoline prices at the pumps? After all, Saudi oil was so cheap, and in view of the production subsidies, wouldn't this translate into lower gasoline prices at the pumps? Does the American consumer derive the slightest benefit from footing this huge bill? No way. Apart from geopolitical considerations, "the majors" are also guilty of price fixing. The cheap Arab oil for instance, was fixed at the higher domestic crude oil price when imported into the United States by a subterfuge known as "phantom freight rates."

According to hard evidence presented to the Multi-national Hearings in 1975, the major oil companies, led by Rockefeller companies, made 70 percent of their profits abroad, profits which could not be taxed at the time. With the bulk of their profits coming from "up stream," the petroleum industry was not about to make a major investment in the domestic oil industry. As a consequence, the domestic oil industry began to decline. Why spend money on the exploration and exploitation of domestic oil when it was theirs for the asking in Saudi Arabia — at a cheaper price than the local product and at a far bigger profit?

The unsuspecting American consumer was and is being shafted, without knowing it. According to secret economic data, which a contact of mine who is still in the economic intelligence monitoring business showed me, gas at the pumps in America, given all local, state and federal taxes piled on the price, should not have cost the consumer more than 35 cents per gallon by the end of 1991. Yet, we know that prices at the pumps were three to five times greater without any justification for such excessively high prices.

The immorality of this gross deception is that had the big oil companies, and again I must emphasize the leadership of the Rockefellers in this, not been so greedy, they could have produced domestic oil which would have made our gasoline prices the cheapest in the world. In my opinion, the manner in which this diplomatic deception was set up between the State Department and Saudi Arabia, makes the State Department a partner to a criminal enterprise. For, in order not to have a falling-out with Israel and at the same time keep the Saudis happy, the American consumer was loaded with a huge tax burden, from which this country derived absolutely no benefit. Isn't that tantamount to the involuntary servitude forbidden by the U.S. Constitution?

The rulers of Saudi Arabia then demanded that fixed prices be posted by the oil companies (ARAMCO), meaning that the country would not surfer a decline in income if prices for oil dropped. When they heard of the arrangement, Iran and Iraq demanded and received the same fixed pricing agreement The bottom line here is that the oil companies led by the Rockefeller companies, paid taxes on an artificially higher price, not the real market price, which was offset by the lower taxes they paid in the United States — a major benefit not enjoyed by any other industry in America.

This made it possible for Exxon and Mobil (and all the ARAMCO companies) to pay an average tax rate of 5 percent, notwithstanding the huge profits they were making. Not only were the oil companies gouging the American consumer, and still are, but they are also making and carrying out U.S. foreign policy to the extreme detriment of the American people. These arrangements and actions place the petroleum industry above the law, giving it a position from where the companies can, and do, dictate foreign policy to the elected government, free of any control by our representatives in Washington.

The policies of the petroleum companies cost the American taxpayer billions of dollars in additional taxation and billions of dollars in excess profits at the pumps. The petroleum industry, and, in particular, Exxon, has no fear of the U.S. government Thanks to the control exercised by the permanent upper-level parallel secret government of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), Rockefeller is untouchable. That enabled ARAMCO to sell oil to the French Navy at $0.95 per barrel, while at the same time the U.S. Navy was charged $1.23 per barrel.

One of the few in the Senate who dared tackle the awesome power of the Rockefellers was Sen. Brewster. He disclosed some of the "slippery conduct" of the petroleum industry during hearings in 1948, accusing the industry of bad faith "with an avaricious desire for enormous profits while at the same time constantly seeking the cloak of United States protection and assistance to preserve their vast concessions,". The Rockefellers drafted a memo signed by the bigger

U.S. oil companies, the gist of which was that they did not owe "any special obligation to the United States." Rockefeller's blatant internationalism was finally flaunted for all to see.

As an example of the foregoing, M.J. Eaton in an article published by "The Oil Industry" stated:

"The oil industry is at present confronted with the question of government control."

When the U.S. government invited the American Petroleum Institute to name three members to a committee it had set up to consider conservation legislation, API's president E.W. Clarke said:

"We cannot undertake to pass upon, still less accede to, any suggestion that the Federal government may directly regulate the production of crude oil in several states."

The API argued that the Federal government did not have authority to control oil companies under Article 1 of the U.S. Constitution. On May 27,1927, the API said the government could not tell the industry what to do—even where the common defense and the general welfare of the nation was concerned.

One of the best and most far-reaching exposes of the petroleum industry is a 400-page report entitled "The International Petroleum Cartel." This great report has disappeared from view, and it is my understanding that Rockefeller and the CFR bought up every avail able copy shortly after it was published, and prevented any more copies of the report from being printed.

Inspired by the late Sen. John Sparkman and put together by Professor M. Blair, the history of the petroleum cartel was traced back to a conspiracy that took place at Achnacarry Castle, a remote fishing preserve in Scotland. Sparkman pulled no punches in a slashing attack on Rockefeller's oil empire.


Professor Blair meticulously built up a case which proved that the major oil companies had entered into a conspiracy to achieve the following goals:

  1. To control all oil production in foreign countries in so far as production, sale and distribution of oil was concerned.

  2. To strictly control all technology and patents related to oil production and refining.

  3. To share pipelines and tankers between the Seven Sisters.

  4. To act jointly to maintain artificially high prices for oil and gasoline.

Professor Blair charged that particularly ARAMCO had been guilty of keeping oil prices at a high level when it was getting Saudi oil at incredibly low prices. In response to Sparkman's charges, the Justice Department began its own investigation in 1951, which was dealt with earlier herein.

Nothing has changed. The Gulf War is a good example of "business as usual." The occupation of Somalia also has oil overtones. Thanks to our newest spy satellite, the La Crosse Imager which can relay images of what lies underground, very substantial oil and gas reserves were detected in Somalia about 3 years ago. The find was kept absolutely secret This led to the U.S. mission ostensibly to feed starving Somali children shown on television night after night for 3 months.

A "starving children" rescue mission was staged by the Bush administration as a means of providing protection for Aramco, Phillips, Conoco, Cohoco and British Petroleum drilling operations coming under threat from Somali leaders who were becoming aware that they were about to be plundered.


The American operation had little to do with feeding starving children. Why didn't the U.S. mount a similar "rescue" mission in Ethiopia, where starvation is a real problem? Obviously, the answer is that Ethiopia does not have any known oil reserves. However, securing the port of Berbera is the chief goal of U.S. forces. There is great discord in Russia over oil. The Kurds will have to suffer again and again over Mosul oil.


Rockefeller and BP are still the greedy oil grabbers they always were.


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