Part 9
Planning a Nightmare on Elm Street
November 13, 2013
Fence on the grassy knoll.
Photo by Joshua Dudley Greer
The Potomac Two-Step
De Mohrenschildt had just spent the last half year in almost constant
contact with Lee Harvey Oswald, who had recently returned from several years
in Soviet Russia.
De Mohrenschildt had done so, moreover, at the CIA’s
request, or so he claimed. It seems unlikely that the sole topic of the New
York meeting with WUBRINY/1 would have been sisal in Haiti. Nevertheless, in
the minds of these people, sisal was apparently enough to hang a legend on.
Now there was a documented and apparently benign reason that Thomas Devine
(and by implication, Devine’s longtime associate George H. W. Bush) knew a
man about to be under fierce scrutiny for his own ties to the alleged killer
of the president of the United States.
In case the "sisal" document of April 1963 was not enough, de Mohrenschildt
next traveled to Washington, DC where he and his friend Mr. Charles met with
other government figures, ostensibly to talk about sisal.
Here the story gains a more intriguing layer - namely, the suggestion that
de Mohrenschildt’s real purpose was to secure U.S. government backing for a
coup d’état against the Haitian dictator François "Papa Doc" Duvalier.
De Mohrenschildt and Charles appear to have obtained an audience with none
other than Howard Burris, military adviser to Vice President Lyndon Johnson,
with the prospect of meeting LBJ himself.
As noted in correspondence dated April 18, 1963:
Dear Mr. Mohrenschildt:
Your letter has come in the Vice President’s absence from the office... I
would like to suggest that you see Colonel Howard Burris, Air Force Aide to
the Vice President, when you come to Washington.
Should Mr. Johnson happen
to have any office hours here during our stay, we will be happy to see if a
mutually convenient time can be found for you to meet...
With warm
wishes, Sincerely,
Walter Jenkins,
Administrative Assistant to the Vice
President.
The Haitian coup therefore could have been intended as the operative story
to explain why Oswald’s mentor de Mohrenschildt was interacting with
powerful U.S. government figures in the period prior to the JFK
assassination.
The new story was introduced in 1978 testimony to the House
Select Committee on Assassinations.
The witness was Dorothe Matlack, assistant director of the Army Office of
Intelligence, who explained that she had also met with de Mohrenschildt and
that he raised the idea of the U.S. government playing a role in the coup.
"I knew the Texan [de Mohrenschildt] wasn’t there to sell hemp," Matlack
said.
This story would have been a clever one, since indeed an examination of de
Mohrenschildt’s past, as noted earlier, shows him periodically in the
environs of unfolding coups.
Yet Matlack’s testimony served still another
purpose - besides justifying de Mohrenschildt’s presence in meetings with
LBJ’s adviser and with a CIA operative tied to Poppy Bush, it also justified
any ties that would emerge between de Mohrenschildt and Army Intelligence.
That last point, as we shall see, is especially critical, because Army
Intelligence figures show up in key roles before, at the time of, and in the
immediate aftermath of the assassination.
Indeed, Matlack’s story would have rung true. De Mohrenschildt appears to
have persuaded the Haitian Mr. Charles that he would be able to secure
approval for the coup, and that Charles would be installed to replace
Duvalier. It seems that de Mohrenschildt may have been directed to travel
earlier to Haiti to persuade Charles to participate in the New York and
Washington meetings - because he took a brief earlier trip to the island in
March.
What passed for the feeble beginnings of a coup did in fact occur in Haiti,
soon after de Mohrenschildt arrived on the island. But it didn’t succeed,
and perhaps wasn’t intended to. De Mohrenschildt and his circle had no
apparent problem with Papa Doc, even if the Kennedys did.
Duvalier, who was generally considered a friend by many elements in the U.S.
military and intelligence establishment, did not suffer greatly. De
Mohrenschildt’s "friend" Clemard Charles wasn’t so fortunate. The Haitian
dictator jailed him for approximately a decade.
Thus, Charles himself may
have been another unwitting pawn.
Whether or not by design, the Haiti story served as the ultimate cover. It
explained why de Mohrenschildt would know all these powerful people, and did
so in the context of a supposed plot to depose a hated foreign leader.
Let’s play the tape again: De Mohrenschildt travels to the East Coast in the
spring of 1963, on a mission that takes his story away from Poppy Bush, Jack
Crichton, and others in the Texas intelligence network. His trail leads
instead outside the United States, to geopolitical intrigue that is totally
unrelated to Lee Harvey Oswald, the Soviet Union, or what was happening in
Dallas.
Even if disclosed, this new story would cause no great upset to the
American people. Removing Duvalier and promoting democracy in the hemisphere
were aims of the revered Kennedy himself.
It might seem impossibly convoluted.
But in the shadow world of covert
operations, it would be business as usual.
Cover for the Domestic
Operations Division
There was even cover for the Domestic Operations division, a CIA program
that was, on its face, problematical under the agency’s charter from
Congress, which forbade its participation in any domestic surveillance or
police operations directed at the American public.
The domestic division maintained an entire floor at 1750 Pennsylvania
Avenue, near the White House.
Among its operatives, according to his own
testimony before Congress, was Dulles’s friend E. Howard Hunt, previously
associated with the coup in Guatemala and the Bay of Pigs invasion, and
subsequently convicted in Watergate.
E. Howard Hunt
Within hours after Devine met with de Mohrenschildt at the Knickerbocker
Club, a Domestic Operations case officer in Washington was creating the
legend that the domestic division, like WUBRINY, had no idea who de
Mohrenschildt really was.
The officer, Gale Allen, requested an "expedite
check" of this supposedly unknown character. He got back a report from 1958
when de Mohrenschildt had returned from Yugoslavia and briefed J. Walton
Moore of the CIA’s Dallas office.
This way, if de Mohrenschildt later claimed he knew Moore, it could be
attributed to this innocuous 1958 briefing rather than the 1961 lunch to
talk about Oswald.
To anyone who tried to follow this trail, it would appear that domestic
operations was unfamiliar with George de Mohrenschildt.
Were investigators
to dig a bit further and happen upon the reports from WUBRINY, they would
learn that George de Mohrenschildt was a self-aggrandizing entrepreneur with
a taste for intrigue.
Dig still further, and they would learn that he was a friend of a Haitian
banker who had been eager to foster a coup d’état against the evil President
Duvalier. Each layer of this plausible cover story would lead the
investigator further from the truth.
They even provided cover for the powerful oilmen who sponsored de
Mohrenschildt’s travels to hot spots, ostensibly to represent their business
interests. The Warren Commission reviewed some correspondence that shows
meetings between de Mohrenschildt and these oilmen. In every case, the
letters purport to relate to sisal, though some of the letters are
suggestive of an unspoken alternative agenda.
For example, one 1962 letter, to de Mohrenschildt’s Dallas White Russian
community "godfather" Paul Raigorodsky from the oilman Jean de Menil, who
himself provided weapons to Cuban exiles, thanks the Russian for sending de
Mohrenschildt around, and refers to some idea of de Mohrenschildt’s as not
being "very well cooked" but does find it "slightly visionary."
It is hard
to see sisal planting as even slightly visionary.
Yet this was indeed de Mohrenschildt’s cover, and it proved effective. There
were numerous assassination inquiries in the 1970s, all in response to the
failings of the Warren Commission. But none came close to penetrating the
layered accounts I have just described.
In fact, they did not even sniff the
trail.
The Book Cover
One thing seems indisputable.
By the time the de Mohrenschildts left the
United States for Haiti in May 1963, Lee Harvey Oswald had been turned into
a man with multiple personas, all of them capable of killing Kennedy. Oswald
hated Kennedy either because he - Oswald - admired Castro or because he was
anti-Castro.
Perhaps Oswald was angry at Kennedy over the Bay of Pigs
fiasco, or else he just liked to take potshots at important people. He was
fond of guns, a bit violent, and even sometimes beat up his wife. He was a
potential time bomb with a short fuse.
There was something in the lurid saga of Oswald to fit almost any theory,
and therefore to confirm none. Whether Oswald was complicit or not in the
process, his background and activities had been so muddled that no one would
ever figure him out. Or settle for sure whose side he had been on. Or
determine whether he was acting on his own or taking orders when he fired at
Kennedy - if in fact he did.
Five months after de Mohrenschildt left for Haiti, Oswald obtained a job in
a building along what barely six weeks later would be the Kennedy parade
route.
That building would become known as the Texas School Book Depository.
In the years since, there has been endless debate over which weapon fired
the fatal shots, whether it was Oswald who fired them, where the shots came
from, ad infinitum.
There has been not enough attention paid to the building
itself and how Oswald happened to be there.
Some theories contend that Oswald - or anyone who might have been directing
him - could not have known that the motorcade would pass by the Book
Depository at the time he took the job there.
But there were only two
possible routes through downtown to JFK’s destination, the Dallas Trade
Mart, and the Book Depository building stood on one of them.
Texas Book Depository Building.
Photo by Aaron D. Mitchell
If someone wanted to put Oswald along the route, he could have arranged for
Oswald to secure a job in the Book Depository building, then selected the
route that passed by there.
Officially, the decision to reroute the
motorcade from Main Street to Elm, in front of the Book Depository building,
was made only a week before the event - by two Secret Service agents. But
that does not mean that a determination of the final route was not made much
earlier by someone who could share the information with Oswald or someone
connected with him.
In any case, if it was Oswald’s intention to kill JFK from the Book
Depository, he on his own could not possibly have known what the route would
be at the time he obtained his job in the building.
Only an insider involved
with shaping JFK’s trip could have had any confidence that the Depository
building would be on the ultimate route of the motorcade.
View of Elm Street from the Triple Underpass.
Photo by Milicent Cranor
The Trade Mart was already known to be the likely venue of Kennedy’s Dallas
luncheon speech, but according to the Secret Service, even if an alternative
venue was chosen, there would be a high probability that a presidential
parade would still pass right by the Book Depository.
J. Lee Rankin, a
general counsel for the Warren Commission, said that,
"to anticipate that
this particular location would be a prime location for anything like this... is reasonable in light of our conversations with the Secret Service."
The process that resulted in Oswald’s hiring at the Book Depository is yet
another facet of the story that has gotten short shrift.
Usually his
presence in the building is portrayed as an accident of fate. Yet recall
that the owner of the building was one D. Harold Byrd, a right-wing oilman,
founder of the Civil Air Patrol, avid Kennedy hater - and a friend of both
Clint Murchison and George de Mohrenschildt.
This all could be coincidence,
but surely it is the kind of coincidence that invites a few more questions.
D. Harold Byrd
Yet when I began researching Byrd, I was stunned to find that his name did
not even appear in the vast majority of books by Kennedy assassination
authorities, nor was he even interviewed by the Warren Commission.
I found
further that not only had Byrd employed de Mohrenschildt at his Three States
Oil and Gas Co. during the 1950s, but that the connection went deeper still.
Documents I studied show that in September 1962, just weeks before he began
to squire Oswald, George de Mohrenschildt incorporated a charity ostensibly
devoted to the study of cystic fibrosis - and put D. Harold Byrd’s wife on
the board. Mrs. Byrd’s role on the charity board would have created a
convenient excuse for de Mohrenschildt to have been interacting with her
husband during this period.
Other board members included Paul Raigorodsky,
J. Edgar Hoover’s good friend and the White Russian community’s godfather.
On May 24, 1963, in Dallas, the U.S. Air Force presented to D. Harold Byrd
its Scroll of Appreciation for his work with the Civil Air Patrol (where
Oswald was a cadet). Among the Air Force generals he counted as friends was
Charles Cabell, Allen Dulles’s CIA deputy director, key Bay of Pigs figure,
and brother of Dallas mayor Earle Cabell, also a good friend of Byrd’s.
So how did Oswald end up working at this building that belonged to a friend
of de Mohrenschildt’s? The most widely accepted explanation is that Oswald
got the job indirectly - via Ruth Paine, the new "friend" who had come to
him through the efforts of the de Mohrenschildts, and who was providing a
home for Oswald’s wife, Marina, and their daughter. Paine purportedly heard
about the Book Depository from a neighbor, one Linnie Mae Randle, whose
brother already worked there.
But missing from these accounts is that the neighbor’s brother had obtained
his job there just slightly ahead of Oswald. Moreover, the brother had moved
from a small Texas town to Dallas shortly beforehand.
Given what we now know about George de Mohrenschildt’s close relationship
with Byrd, owner of the Book Depository building, and the chain of events
that followed, it is plausible that Oswald’s hiring could have been
deliberately orchestrated through this chain to obscure the underlying
direct connection.
Then there is the intelligence background of Paine’s family, which was in
addition to her mother-in-law’s ties to Dulles’s girlfriend. There was more
to this simple Quaker housewife than meets the eye. When Marina Oswald was
asked by the Orleans Parish grand jury why she had cut off contact with Ruth
Paine after the assassination, she said:
I was advised by the Secret Service not to be connected with her, seems like
she was... not connected... she was sympathizing with the CIA. She
wrote letters over there and they told me for my own reputation, to stay
away.
Is it possible that the brother was hired as a player - or in spycraft
parlance, a "cut-out" - who could "refer" Oswald to a job in this particular
building? This might seem speculative, but other pieces of the puzzle do
point in that direction.
I was surprised to learn, for example, that the building was almost
completely devoid of tenants until about six months before the
assassination. I was even more surprised to learn that the very name, Texas
School Book Depository, is misleading.
It sounds like a building where the
state of Texas kept schoolbooks.
Dealey Plaza
But in fact, Texas School Book Depository was the name of a private company,
which had operated out of another location before it moved into the building
on Dealey Plaza in the spring of 1963.
Until then, the structure was known
as the Sexton Building.
The officers of the Book Depository Company were - like Byrd, Murchison, and
their core group - outspoken critics of Kennedy, and also major military
buffs. Its president turned out to be one Jack Cason, who was also the
long-time head of the local American Legion post, a leading forum for
hard-line military views.
The company, like all publishers and distributors of books that shaped the
perceptions of young Americans - of all Americans - was of keen interest to
the propaganda machinery of the U.S. government, and the intelligence
community. Allen Dulles was even a member of the advisory board of
Scholastic Magazines, whose publications were distributed to schoolchildren
throughout the country.
These operations at least seem to offer a plausible explanation of why a man
like Cason, affluent and socially connected, deeply involved in
anti-Communist and military-themed activities, might choose to bypass more
traditional pursuits such as oil and banking in favor of the textbook
distribution business.
The CIA was deeply involved, abroad and at home, in creating and
distributing literature that would promote democratic Western values in the
cold war battle for hearts and minds.
As the Senate’s Church Committee would
note:
"In 1967 alone, the CIA published or subsidized over 200 books,
ranging from books on African safaris... to a competitor to Mao’s little
red book, which was entitled Quotations from Chairman Liu."
One such book, produced by the Domestic Operations division - the one that
was monitoring Oswald - told the story of,
"a young student from a developing
country who had studied in a communist country." According to the CIA, that
book "had a high impact in the United States."
The important point here is that a division of the CIA was producing general
nonfiction books, and it would not be inconceivable that it was also
interested in the textbooks distributed by companies such as the Texas
School Book Depository.
Allen Dulles even infiltrated that paragon of objectivity the Encyclopaedia
Britannica, whitewashing the agency’s Bay of Pigs fiasco in an article in
the 1963 Book of the Year.
It is worth noting that D. Harold Byrd, a big-game hunter, decided to take
his first-ever foreign safari - to Africa - during this period.
That removed
him from Dallas precisely when the assassination took place.
D. Harold Byrd on safari,
circa November 1963
Besides Byrd’s far-right politics, his founding role in the Civil Air
Patrol, and his ties to de Mohrenschildt, he evidently rejoiced in Kennedy’s
assassination - as suggested by the macabre fact that he arranged for the
window from which Oswald purportedly fired the fatal shots to be removed and
set up at his home.
Dulles Does Dallas
As far as we know, on November 22, 1963, George de Mohrenschildt was far
away from Dallas too, managing his "business ventures" in Haiti.
According
to the record, de Mohrenschildt and Oswald had no contact during the prior
six months.
It was this hiatus, and de Mohrenschildt’s physical absence from the United
State, that enabled the Warren Commission to discount his otherwise glaring
relationships with Oswald and Oswald’s pre-assassination "handlers" in
Dallas. Not to mention his many links to members of the Texas Raj, who were
noted for their anti-Kennedy animus and extensive ties to the national
intelligence apparatus.
One curious matter concerns some communications about de Mohrenschildt in
June 1963, between the Republic National Bank in Dallas and Brown Brothers
Harriman in New York - where ex-senator Prescott Bush had just resumed work
as a senior partner.
The date is important because it is just after de Mohrenschildt leaves for Haiti.
The communications, revealed in an FBI agent’s report of 1964, appear odd.
As it is presented, a confidential client of Brown Brothers, "a firm dealing
in the import and export of fibers," had made a credit inquiry "concerning
George de Mohrenschildt."
Brown Brothers had replied that it knew nothing of
him, but forwarded the inquiry to Republic National Bank, whose "report was
favorable concerning de Mohrenschildt’s credit."
Why this confidential client would ask a bank in New York about a man based
in Texas - and this bank in particular - is not made clear.
The thread, or
fiber, tying this mini-episode to the larger unfolding drama is sisal. It
gave yet more prominent people - including top officials at Republic
National Bank and Prescott Bush at Brown Brothers Harriman - the same cover
story it provided to everyone else: if anyone discovered that they had been
dealing with de Mohrenschildt, they could claim that their sole motive was
to make money off Haitian sisal.
The coincidences mount. After his dismissal as director of the CIA, Allen
Dulles had written a book called The Craft of Intelligence - with the
assistance of E. Howard Hunt. As might be expected, it was hardly a tell-all
exposé.
Reviewers were generally unimpressed, especially with the innocuous
anecdotes.
"It is a book that could as well have been written from an
outside, as from an inside, view," wrote one critic.
The book did, however, give Dulles a reason to remain in the public eye -
including a visit to Dallas in late October 1963.
Although excerpts had been
published, most notably in Harper’s, starting at the beginning of the year,
The Craft of Intelligence was held for release until the fall.
This version was published in 2007.
Dulles appears to have made no book-related appearances outside the
Washington-New York corridor except for Dallas, to which he traveled at the
invitation of Neil Mallon to speak at the Council on World Affairs.
The
Dallas Council would certainly be a receptive audience. After all, it had
been conceived, in Mallon’s own words, along "the guidelines of central
intelligence."
This gives us Dulles in Dallas, scant weeks before the assassination; Al
Ulmer, the foreign-based CIA coup expert, in Texas and visiting with Poppy
Bush; E. Howard Hunt, top Dulles operative and covert operations specialist,
said by his own son to have been in Dallas; and Poppy Bush in Dallas - until
he leaves town either the night before or on the very day of the
assassination and places his covering alibi phone call from Tyler, Texas.
Oswald’s all-too-public "friend" George de Mohrenschildt is safely off on
important business in Haiti, and D. Harold Byrd is off on a safari. Again,
this scenario may mean nothing. It all may just be coincidence.
But the
confluences among this cast of characters are at the very least remarkable.
It does not take a hypercharged imagination to construe a larger story of
which they might be part, or to wonder why these people might have gone to
such lengths to create "deniability" concerning any connections to the
events in Dallas - unless they had a connection.
Another salient fact is that, on the day of the assassination, Deputy Police
Chief George L. Lumpkin was driving the pilot car of Kennedy’s motorcade, a
quarter mile ahead of JFK’s vehicle. Lumpkin was a friend of Jack Crichton,
Poppy Bush’s GOP colleague.
Like Crichton, moreover, he was a member of an Army Intelligence Reserve
unit. (Lumpkin would later tell the House Select Committee on Assassination
that he had been consulted by the Secret Service on motorcade security, and
his input had eliminated an alternative route.)
In the car with Lumpkin was
another Army officer, Lieutenant Colonel George Whitmeyer, commander of all
Army Reserve units in East Texas, who happened to be Jack Crichton’s boss in
the Reserve.
Although Whitmeyer was not on the police list of those approved to ride in
the pilot car, he had insisted that he be in the vehicle and remained there
until the shooting. The only recorded stop made by the pilot car was
directly in front of the Depository building. Lumpkin stopped briefly there
and spoke to a policeman handling traffic at the corner of Houston and Elm.
To the right of the motorcade, in front of the grassy knoll, stood Abraham Zapruder with his camera, ready to capture the 8-millimeter short film that
would make his name famous.
Russian émigré, Abraham Zapruder
The Zapruder film would be cited vigorously by both critics and supporters
of the Warren Commission’s conclusions.
As of late 2008, the latest attempt
to back up the lone gunman theory was historian Max Holland’s
twelve-years-in-the-making study of the assassination.
Citing the Zapruder
film, Holland argues that a careful study of it shows that Oswald actually
fired the first shot earlier than previously calculated. This allows,
according to Holland, enough time for Oswald to have gotten the second and
third shots off before the car sped up.
He says this new theory establishes
that Oswald could have done it - and therefore indeed did do it, and did it
alone.
"If I restore faith in the Warren Commission," Holland told the
Washington Post, which published a highly sympathetic profile of the author,
"I’ll put to rest some of the disturbing questions people have had."
Zapruder is widely characterized as an innocent bystander, simply an
onlooker who happened to capture historic footage that would dominate the
evidentiary debate.
Innocent he may well have been, but hardly unknown in
Dallas intelligence circles.
It turns out that the short, bald recorder of history was also a former
colleague of Mrs. de Mohrenschildt, who worked with her at Nardis when she
first moved to Dallas. Zapruder also sat on the board of Neil Mallon’s
Dallas Council on World Affairs. Like numerous figures in this story, he had
a propensity for groups built on loyalty and secrecy, having sustained the
status of thirty-second-degree Freemason.
The film he would make on November 22 would soon be purchased by Henry Luce,
a Skull and Bones colleague of Prescott Bush and a devotee of intelligence -
whose wife, Clare Booth Luce, had personally funded efforts to overthrow
Castro. Henry Luce had warned that JFK would be punished if he went soft on
Communism. After quickly purchasing the original Zapruder film, Luce’s Life
magazine kept it in lockdown until New Orleans D.A. Jim Garrison
successfully subpoenaed it in 1969.
At the moment that Kennedy’s car passed the Stemmons Freeway sign on Elm
Street, a man standing in front of the grassy knoll opened an umbrella and
pumped it repeatedly above his head. Even the House Select Committee on
Assassinations found it strange, given that it was a gloriously sunny day.
Next to him was a man with a dark complexion who appeared to be speaking on
a walkie-talkie shortly after shots were fired.
Frame 228 of the Zapruder film.
Arrow points to opened umbrella.
In 1978, one Louis Steven Witt came forward to identify himself as the
"Umbrella Man."
A self-described "conservative-type fellow," Witt claimed
that he had opened his umbrella repeatedly because a colleague had told him
that the gesture would annoy the president. He did not elaborate on why
anyone would have thought this.
In his testimony before the House Select Committee on Assassinations, he
lamented that,
"if the Guinness Book of World Records had a category for
people who were at the wrong place at the wrong time, doing the wrong thing,
I would be No. 1 in that position, without even a close runner-up."
He also
claimed to have no recollection of the dark-complexioned man, though photos
show the two men speaking.
Witt’s curious and seemingly choreographed
umbrella opening remains another question mark on a day full of perplexing
coincidences.
Where Was Poppy? Part
II
If indeed it can be established that Oswald was being guided to his destiny
- either because he would become the shooter or because he would be framed
for the shooting - then whoever was running him, and whoever was controlling
Oswald’s controller, were integral parts of a plot.
By now, we have enough information to show, fairly conclusively, that Oswald
was being managed by Poppy’s old friend de Mohrenschildt. We also have
others connected with Poppy closely associated with the events of November
22. And we have Poppy creating an alibi for himself.
Details on who fired the gun, whose gun it was, and how many shots were
fired from where remain relevant, but become of secondary importance. The
central question is the story that lies behind these details.
In summation, here’s just some of the new, relevant information:
Poppy Bush was closely tied to key members of the intelligence community including the deposed CIA head with a known grudge against JFK; he was also
tied to Texas oligarchs who hated Kennedy’s politics and whose wealth was
directly threatened by Kennedy; this network was part of the
military/intelligence elite with a history of using assassination as an
instrument of policy.
Poppy Bush was in Dallas on November 21 and most likely the morning of
November 22. He hid that fact, he lied about knowing where he was, then he
created an alibi based on a lead he knew was false. And he never
acknowledged the closeness of his relationship with Oswald’s handler George
de Mohrenschildt.
Poppy’s business partner Thomas Devine met with de Mohrenschildt during that
period, on behalf of the CIA.
Poppy’s eventual Texas running mate in the 1964 election, Jack Crichton, was
connected to the military intelligence figures who led Kennedy’s motorcade.
Crichton and D. Harold Byrd, owner of the Texas School Book Depository
Building, were both connected to de Mohrenschildt - and directly to each
other through oil-business dealings.
Byrd brought in the tenant that hired Oswald shortly before the
assassination.
Oswald got his job in the building through a friend of de Mohrenschildt’s
with her own intelligence connections - including family ties to Allen
Dulles.
Even Jack Ruby’s slaying of Oswald fits the larger pattern seen here - one
in which Oswald is indeed a "patsy" - a pawn in a deadly game who would
never be permitted to say what he knew.
Ruby himself practically admitted as much.
After his trial, he made a
statement to reporters as to his motives in shooting Oswald, and essentially
admitted to a conspiracy.
Jack Ruby
RUBY: Everything pertaining to what’s happening has never come to the
surface. The world will never know the true facts, of what occurred, my
motives. The people had, that had so much to gain and had such an
ulterior motive for putting me in the position I’m in, will never let
the true facts come above board to the world.
REPORTER: Are these people in very high positions, Jack?
RUBY: Yes.
As with so many events in his life, Poppy had
been very careful about November 22, 1963.
Thanks to the Kiwanis lunch, Barbara’s letter,
and the Parrott phone call, he could reasonably claim to have been "out of
the loop," even while people he knew certainly appear to have very much been
in it - or far too close for comfort.
In any case, as we shall see in the
next chapter, there was still more to the story.
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