CHAPTER 13

UN Regionalism — The European Community

We are experiencing an increasing abandonment of sovereignty within the European Community in favor of this Community and, as I hope, also in favor of [a] European parliament equipped with full rights.
• German Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher,

Der Spiegel, September 25, 1989

 

Twenty years ago, when the process began, there was no question of losing sovereignty. That was a lie, or at any rate, a dishonest obfuscation.
• Sir Peregrine Worsthorne,

London Sunday Telegraph, August 4, 1991

 

We have here the recreation of the familiar 20th century bureaucratic nation state, but on a Leviathan scale.... A monolithic Europe would be the last great folly of the 20th century, hustled into existence at the very moment when such concepts are withering everywhere else ... repeating all the errors, the vanities and conceits, of the collectivist epoch.
• David Howell,

chairman of the Select Committeeon Foreign Affairs, British House of Commons, Wall Street Journal, December 31, 1990

The idea of a unified European Community (EC) was sold to the peoples of Western Europe under the misleading rubric of “a Common Market,” an arrangement that would supposedly free commerce and consumers from labyrinthine national regulations and restrictions. The Single European Act of 1986, agreed to by the 12 member states that year, called for the establishment of “an area without internal frontiers, in which the free movement of goods, persons, services, and capital is ensured.” With progress toward a single market, “...

European industry will be able to achieve greater economies of scale,” said U.S. Deputy Secretary of the Treasury M. Peter McPherson (CFR). He made this remark in an address in 1988 to the Institute for International Economics, a group led by fellow one-worlder C. Fred Bergsten (CFR, TC). McPherson continued:

The demands of competition will spur technological innovation and greater productivity. The program can help stimulate growth and employment, reduce consumer prices, and raise standards of living throughout Europe.

The force that will drive this transformation is opportunity — the opportunity to compete in a larger and freer marketplace.1 Economic analyst and former Republican Congressman from Texas Dr. Ron Paul saw the same developments in a completely different light. Long an ardent champion of free-market policies, he warned that the movement toward European “union” and “integration” is a statist scheme cloaked in free-market rhetoric that is likely to “produce a monster.” “International statists have long dreamed of a world currency and a world central bank,” wrote Dr. Paul in the October 1988 issue of The Free Market, published by the Ludwig von Mises Institute. “Now it looks as if their dream may come true.”

Ron Paul’s essay, entitled “The Coming World Central Bank,” went on to say:
European governments have targeted 1992 for abolishing individual European currencies and replacing them with the European Currency Unit, the Ecu. Next they plan to set up a European central bank. The next step is the merger of the Federal Reserve, the European central bank and the Bank of Japan into a one world central bank.... The European central bank (ECB) will be modeled after the Federal Reserve. Like the Fed in 1913, it will have the institutional appearance of decentralization, but also like the Fed it will be run by a cartel of big bankers in collusion with politicians at the expense of the public.

Time and events have proven Dr. Paul’s assessment, not McPherson’s, to have been correct. The much touted “free trade/free market reforms” were merely bait laid out to entice Europeans into the trap of what is designed eventually to become an all-powerful, supranational government. This European regional government would later be merged into a world government under the United Nations. The agreements reached by the leaders of the European Community who met in Maastricht, Netherlands in December 1991 are now taking them down this road.

Major concessions of national sovereignty given by the 12 member states (Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Portugal, and Spain) to the socialist-dominated European Parliament and to the Eurocrats in Brussels are underway. Foremost among these are the commitments to establish a single currency, the ECU, and a European Central Bank. The members also agreed to yield more defense and foreign policy control to the Western European Union.

The Socialist parties, which control a majority (260) of the 518 votes in the European Parliament, are certainly not going to promote free-market reforms. Nor are those reforms likely to come from the European Community Commission or the Council of Ministers, the institutions holding the EC’s real legislative and executive powers. Those institutions have been dominated by socialists such as Commission President Jacques Delors, who is leading the push for a European central bank, and by members of David Rockefeller’s world-government-promoting Trilateral Commission.

The EC Trilateralists include such influential Eurocrats as Willy De Clercq, Karl-Heinz Narjes, Carlo Ripa di Meana, Viscount Etienne Davignon, Raymond Barre, Rene Foch, Jorge Braga de Macedo, Francisco Lucas Pires, Gaston Thorn, Michael O’Kennedy, Henri Simonet, Simone Veil, and Edmund Wellenstein. These one-worlders are leading the nations of Western Europe — their own nations — not only into surrendering national sovereignty to Brussels, but into merging with the “former communist” regimes of Eastern Europe.

A study of the evolution of the European Community reveals ominous parallels with the campaign currently underway for the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), signed by President George Bush on August 12, 1992. The EC is the model for this and other “common market” arrangements for Latin America, Asia, and Africa now being promoted by CFR Establishment figures and their globalist colleagues.

EC Emerges From Shadows of World War I

On November 9, 1988, European heads of state and government gathered in solemn ceremony at the Pantheon in Paris to inter the remains of Jean Monnet, the French internationalist who is often called “the Father of Europe.” The celebration marking the centennial of his birth was the crowning highlight of numerous tributes in honor of the principal architect of the Common Market.

Jean Omar Marie Gabriel Monnet was born in Cognac, the son of a brandy merchant. In 1910, at the age of 20, he was sent to Canada by his father to open new markets for the family business. Hooking up with the Hudson Bay Company and the Lazard Brothers banking house, two of the Western Hemisphere’s most eminent Establishment companies, the parvenu Frenchman was given entree into high British circles of power and soon became the protégé of the Anglo-American Insiders. Thus began the mercurial rise of Jean Monnet, who — though lacking even the equivalent of a high school diploma — was to become a renowned wizard of high finance, a political mastermind, and a confidant and advisor to presidents and prime ministers.

Through the influence of French Foreign Minister Etienne Clementel, Monnet gained an exclusive and very lucrative contract for shipping vital materiel from Canada to France during World War I. Following that war, he won an appointment to the Allied Supreme Economic Council, was made an advisor to the committee preparing the Treaty of Versailles, and was introduced to that closed group of one-worlders around Colonel House that was preparing the way for the creation of the League of Nations.

In 1919, he became an international figure at the age of 29 through his appointment as deputy secretary-general of the League.
Monnet, the committed internationalist, also became a steadfast socialist. Monnet biographers Merry and Serge Bromberger wrote: “Behind the scenes he helped to arrange the appointment of the French Socialist Albert Thomas as head of the International Labor Office.”2 They also record Monnet’s boast:
“I’ve always voted Socialist, except on one occasion.”3 That single exception occurred during the 1965 French presidential election when he publicly supported Jean Lecanuet, a champion of a federated Europe.

In 1925, Monnet moved to America to accept a partnership with the Blair Foreign Corporation, a New York bank that had done a bonanza business in the “war effort.” From there he went on to become vice president of Transamerica, the giant San Francisco-based holding company that owned Bank of America.
At that time there were many campaigns underway to create a United States of Europe. In 1923, Count Richard N. Coudenhove- Kalergi of Austria authored his book Pan Europa; three years later, he organized his first Pan European Congress in Vienna.4

By the end of the 1920s, branches of the Pan European Union were operating throughout the continent and Britain. In How Can Europe Survive, a piercing critique of Coudenhove’s Pan European idea, the eminent freemarket economist Hans F. Sennholz observed that there is no getting around “the fact that his plan is a scheme for the attainment of wholesale socialism in Europe.”5 (Emphasis in original)

Nevertheless, Coudenhove’s plan received the support and patronage of many of Europe’s leading statesmen and men of letters, not to mention that of the Anglo-American Establishment. One of Count Coudenhove’s most important disciples was Aristide Briand, who between 1909 and 1930 was the Socialist Premier of France 11 times and Minister of Foreign Affairs 12 times. In 1930, Briand unveiled a plan for “European Union” that provided for a regional supranational union within the League of Nations.6

It failed not because of antipathy to the idea but largely because of differences of opinion among the various socialist and integrationist factions over the best means to accomplish the shared goal. That same year, another important apostle of Coudenhove’s Pan Europa, Sir Winston Churchill, wrote an essay entitled “The United States of Europe” aimed at winning support for the idea from the American public. It was published in the February 15, 1930 issue of the Saturday Evening Post, one of America’s most popular periodicals at that time.

Coudenhove spent the devastating years of World War II in the United States propagating his Pan Europa idea. “In seeking to persuade America, once she became a belligerent, to adopt European unity as one of her war aims,” said the Count’s colleague and hagiographer Arnold J. Zurcher in The Struggle to Unite Europe, 1940-1958, “Count Coudenhove enlisted the cooperation of certain leading American citizens whom he had interested in his movement some years prior to his enforced wartime sojourn.”7

These “leading citizens” — all Establishment heavyweights — were: Nicholas Murray Butler, president of both Columbia University and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace; Dr. Stephen Duggan, founder and first president of the International Institute of Education, a completely CFR-dominated internationalist propaganda operation; and William C. Bullitt, alternately U.S. ambassador to the Soviet Union and to France.

With the help of these high-powered patrons, Coudenhove and Zurcher obtained positions at New York University where, for the remainder of the war years, they conducted graduate seminars devoted exclusively to the need for European federation. Their CFR contacts aided them greatly in obtaining favorable media coverage.

“The New York press, for example, was wholly sympathetic,” wrote Zurcher, “both major morning dailies, The New York Times and the New York Herald Tribune, having given generous space to reporting the Count’s occasional public utterances and to the efforts of the New York University seminar on federation.”8

With the academic respectability conferred by the NYU seminars and the popular dissemination of their ideas by a friendly press, said Zurcher, “For the first time in the twentieth century, the slogan ‘United States of Europe’ had become something more than a label for hortatory idealism.”9

While Coudenhove-Kalergi and his sidekick Zurcher labored among the intelligentsia and the captains of industry in New York, Citizen Monnet was shuttling back and forth between Washington, Paris, and London on trans-Atlantic diplomatic missions for French Premier Edouard Daladier, President Roosevelt, Prime Minister Churchill, and General de Gaulle. It was Monnet who gave Roosevelt the slogan “America will be the great arsenal of democracy” that the President would later use in one of his fireside chats.10

“Monnet was above all a public relations man,” claimed biographers Merry and Serge Bromberger. “He was particularly close to Harry Hopkins, Roosevelt’s right-hand man. Through Hopkins he became the President’s personal advisor on Europe.”11

The close Roosevelt-Hopkins relationship has often been compared to the relationship between Wilson and House. In each case, there was almost total dependence of the president on a mysterious, shadowy advisor. Hopkins, like House, admired communism and played a key role in formulating many of the pro-Soviet policies of the Roosevelt Administration that proved so disastrous for the United States and the Free World. He and Monnet got along .

M. Bloch-Morhange, writing in the authoritative Information Et Conjectures for March 1957, summed up the French interna’s pro-communist record this way: “Never in his long career has Jean Monnet a single time criticized the Soviet Union publicly.” According to the Brombergers, “behind the scenes Monnet played an important role in the negotiations that prepared the ground for lend-lease,”12 the operation that funneled to the USSR massive infusions of war materiel and money, even the blueprints and nuclear materials that enabled the Soviets to develop the atomic bomb.13 The lend-lease program was supervised by Harry Hopkins.

In 1939 as World War II was about to begin, Clarence Streit, a Rhodes scholar and correspondent for the New York Times, authored Union Now.14 In it, he advocated an immediate political union involving the U.S., Britain, Canada, and other Atlantic “democracies,” and then, finally, world union. The book was lavishly praised in the CFR-dominated press and by 1949 had been translated into several languages, selling more than 300,000 copies.

Union Now and Union Now With Britain, published in 1941, gave rise to a sizable Federal Union movement (which later changed its name to Atlantic Union Committee and still later to the Atlantic Council of the United States), the leadership of which has always been top-heavy with CFR members. During the late 1970s, George Bush sat on the Council’s board of directors, along with Henry Kissinger, Winston Lord, and a long line-up of CFR-TC cronies. In 1942, Streit’s Federal Union proposed the adoption of a joint resolution by Congress favoring immediate union with the aforementioned Atlantic states. The resolution had been written by John Foster Dulles (CFR), who was later to become Eisenhower’s Secretary of State and a key player in the formation of Monnet’s United Europe.15

One of the most ambitious and visionary schemes of this period was put forth in a book entitled Plan for Permanent Peace by Hans Heymann, a German economist and refugee who held a research and teaching post at Rutgers University. Funded by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, a perpetual font of world order schemes, Plan for Permanent Peace asserted:

Nations have created international disharmony in the vain belief that harmony in our society can be achieved on a national basis.... This narrow-minded attitude has left us one strong hope, namely, that this fallacious concept may hold only during a transitional period.... After the debacle [World War II] an international organization will be imperative for the well-being of society as a whole.16

Heymann then detailed his scheme for a global superstate headed by a Federal World Authority, a Bank of Nations (with three branches: the Hemisphere Bank, Europa Bank, and the Oriental Bank), and a World Army, Navy, and Air Force.17 Plan for Permanent Peace includes several ambitious fold-out maps and diagrams detailing the monstrous bureaucracy needed to regiment the hapless citizens of the proposed planetary union.

At the conclusion of World War II, the myriad of organizations, individuals, movements, and publications advocating various models of global governance all coalesced behind a concerted crusade to insure U.S. adoption of the United Nations Charter. Once that was accomplished, they returned to campaigning for what U.S. national security adviser Walt W. Rostow (CFR) would later term “an end to nationhood as it has been historically defined.”18

All of these individuals knew that the UN could never become a genuine world government as long as member nations retained any vestige of sovereignty and autonomy. Winston Churchill and his son-in-law, Duncan Sandys, led the United Europe Movement, which convened a Congress of Europe at The Hague in May of 1948.19

While world attention was focused on the glittering assembly of current and former heads of state — Churchill, LŽon Blum, Alcide de Gasperi, Paul-Henri Spaak, et al. — it was Jean Monnet and the mysterious Polish Socialist, Joseph Retinger, the bon vivant and globe-trotting master of political intrigue, who ran the show.20

One of the accomplishments of The Hague Congress was the adoption of seven Resolutions on Political Union. Resolution number seven stated: “The creation of a United Europe must be regarded as an essential step towards the creation of a United World.”

Marshaling a United Socialist Europe

On June 5, 1947, General George C. Marshall, then Truman’s Secretary of State, delivered a speech at Harvard University detailing the suffering and privation of war-ravaged Europe and calling for an American response.21 Thus was launched the European Recovery Program (ERP) — better known as the Marshall Plan — a massive foreign aid program designed to restructure Europe along “cooperative,” i.e., internationalist and socialist lines.

The ERP, however, did not originate with General Marshall, but rather with Jean Monnet and the Council on Foreign Relations. The Brombergers noted that prior to the Harvard speech, Marshall sent his assistant H. G. Clayton to confer with Monnet, and that Marshall himself conferred at length with Monnet at the Paris Peace Conference.22

Laurence Shoup and William Minter, in their study of the CFR entitled Imperial Brain Trust, reported: “In 1946-1947 lawyer Charles M. Spofford headed a [CFR study] group, with banker David Rockefeller as secretary, on Reconstruction in Western Europe; in 1947-1948 that body was retitled the Marshall Plan.”23

David Rockefeller would later lead the Chase Manhattan Bank, serve as chairman of the board of the CFR from 1970-1985, launch the Trilateral Commission in 1973, and do everything he could to further the cause of global “interdependence.” The immediate problem faced by the Marshall Planners was selling the idea to Congress. There was considerable opposition to the scheme, led principally by Senator Robert Taft of Ohio, former President Herbert Hoover, and free-market economist and Newsweek commentator Henry Hazlitt.

Taft and others argued that the proposed program would force U.S. taxpayers to subsidize the socialist policies of European governments — nationalization of industries, central planning, wage and price controls, excessive taxation, trade restrictions, burdensome regulation, currency devaluation — just the opposite of what was needed to help Europe recover from the war’s devastation. They argued instead for a program that would unleash private enterprise to solve Europe’s economic problems.

The Establishment responded by organizing an impressive assemblage of notables to campaign for the ERP. “The leadership of this group,” said Michael J. Hogan, professor of history at Ohio State University and editor of Diplomatic History, “came largely from academic circles, from the major American trade unions, and from such business organizations as the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), the Business Advisory Council (BAC), the Committee for Economic Development (CED) and the National Planning Association (NPA).”24

Strong promoters of the “New Deal synthesis,” members of these groups “accepted the need for greater economic planning and for Keynesian strategies of fiscal and monetary management.” These four organizations, said Professor Hogan, “played an important role in shaping and promoting the ERP,” and in disarming the opposition.25 “During the congressional hearings,” Hogan wrote in his comprehensive study entitled The Marshall Plan, “these private leaders joined their government partners in a formidable defense of the ERP.”

Hogan explained:

They published briefs on behalf of the program. Their spokesmen testified before the relevant congressional committees. They served on the President’s Committee on Foreign Aid, or Harriman Committee, and on the Committee for the Marshall Plan to Aid European Recovery, a private, nonpartisan organization composed of labor, farm, and business leaders who worked closely with government officials to mobilize support behind the ERP. The result was something like a coordinated campaign mounted by an interlocking directorate of public and private figures.

 

Of the nineteen people on the executive board of the Marshall Plan Committee, eight were members of the CFR and two of these eight were also members of the BAC, CED, or NPA. Included in this list were Allen W. Dulles, president of the CFR, and Philip Reed, chairman of the board of General Electric. Former Secretaries of War Henry L. Stimson and Robert P. Patterson, along with former Under Secretary of State Dean Acheson, also served on the executive board.26

However, even with this massive and well-orchestrated campaign, the ERP advocates did not have it easy. They had originally packaged the plan as a humanitarian operation to alleviate the suffering, starvation, and devastation caused by the war. But Congress was not so willing to accept that Europe’s economic woes could or should be solved by the American taxpayers.

So the Establishment one-worlders changed to a different tack: They said U.S. aid was urgently needed to protect Western Europe from the threat of communism. “People sat up and listened when the Soviet threat was mentioned” said John J. McCloy, the Insiders’ Insider who was chairman of the CFR from 1953-1970. McCloy, who served as U.S. High Commissioner to Germany after the war, said his assignment there taught him a valuable lesson — that a good way to assure a viewpoint gets noticed is to cast it in terms of resisting the spread of Communism.27

The “chairman of the American establishment,” McCloy, and his globalist CFR colleagues would master the lesson well. The “resisting communism” tactic was developed to such a fine degree that virtually any pro-communist policy could be sold to the American public if the anti-communist label was applied to it. That McCloy’s “anti-communism” was a cynical charade is evident not only from statements like those above, but from the critical role he played in the many decisions and policies that proved so helpful to the communists and so harmful to America and the Free World over the course of his half century of “public service.”28

McCloy’s actions had not gone unnoticed by security agencies. Max Holland, contributing editor to The Wilson Quarterly, reported in the Autumn 1991 issue of that journal that the FBI had become concerned over McCloy’s “leanings.”

Holland wrote:

In a May [1946] memo, FBI head J. Edgar Hoover warned the Truman Administration of an “enormous Soviet espionage ring in Washington ... with reference to atomic energy,” and identified McCloy along with Dean Acheson and Alger Hiss, as worrisome for “their pro- Soviet leanings.”29

It was McCloy, who two years earlier, as Assistant Secretary of War, approved an order permitting Communist Party members to become officers in the U.S. Army. He defended identified Communist John Carter Vincent and supported J. Robert Oppenheimer after the scientist was denied a top security clearance. It was McCloy who organized the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency for President Kennedy and who, together with Soviet counterpart Valerian Zorin, drew up the 1961 Freedom From War surrender plan we have cited in previous chapters.30

President Truman also admitted paying lip service to anti-communism in order to win support for his European aid plan. His so-called Truman Doctrine — the policy of providing U.S. support to “democracies” around the globe supposedly to combat the spread of communism — was completely disingenuous. According to authors Walter Isaacson and Evan Thomas, when Secretary of State Marshall expressed concern that the President’s “Truman Doctrine” speech was too anti-communist in tone, “The reply came back from Truman: without the rhetoric, Congress would not approve the money.”31

The deception worked, and Congress did indeed approve the funding: some $13 billion dollars for the Marshall Plan, and tens of billions more through various other reconstruction programs. From the close of World War II through 1953, the United States government poured more than $43 billion into Europe. Professor Hans Sennholz described it as a “windfall for socialism,” and in his How Can Europe Survive detailed the myriad of destructive government programs and wasteful state-owned monopolies that swallowed up these enormous funds while thwarting real economic growth and progress.

With the ERP, European socialists and one-worlders had hit on a veritable bonanza, and American Establishment Insiders had hit on a scheme that gave them the leverage they needed to push independent-minded European governments in a “cooperative” direction. “American officials interfered with foreign governments which endeavored to abolish controls and return to sounder principles of government,” said Dr. Sennholz.

“American Fair-Deal officials repeatedly exerted pressure on the Belgian and German governments to inflate their national currencies at a greater degree and create more credit through simple expansion. Fortunately for these nations, their governments usually resisted this Fair-Deal pressure.”32

 

“Through American aid,” said Professor Hogan, “and particularly through the use of counterpart funds, Marshall Planners tried to underwrite industrial modernization projects, promote Keynesian strategies of aggregate economic management, [and] ... encourage progressive tax policies, low-cost housing programs, and other measures of economic and social reform.”33

From its very inception, the ERP’s main purpose was to destroy the European nation-states by merging them into a regional government. The early planning for the program was carried out by a special agency called the State-War-Navy Coordinating Committee (SWNCC) under the direction of George Kennan.

One of the concerns of the agency, wrote Hogan, was,

“to consider how national sovereignties might be transcended. As Joseph Jones, who attended the meetings, recalled, the State Department’s economic officers encouraged committee members to think of Europe as a whole and to administer aid in ways that would foster economic unification.”34 (Emphasis added)

Of course, not everyone advocating the abolition of Europe’s sovereign governments was so subtle. Some pursued an open frontal approach. On March 21, 1947, before Marshall had made his Harvard speech, Senators William Fulbright and Elbert D. Thomas submitted to Congress the following concurrent resolution:

“Resolved by the Senate (the House of Representatives concurring) that the Congress favors the creation of a United States of Europe.”

The CFR-Insider press sprang forth to champion the incredibly arrogant Fulbright resolution. According to the March 17, 1947 issue of Life magazine (whose publisher, Henry Luce, was a leading CFR member), “our policy should be to help the nations of Europe federate as our states federated in 1787.” “Europe desperately needs some effective form of political and economic federation,” wrote Sumner Welles (CFR) in the Washington Post, owned by CFR member Eugene Meyer.

The Christian Science Monitor (long a CFR mouthpiece) advised on April 28, 1947: “For its part, the U.S. could hardly impose federation on Europe, but it could counsel.... It could mold its leading and occupation policies toward upbuilding a single continental economy.” The New York Times, the Establish’s most influential organ, editorialized on April 18, 1947: “But it is only too true ... that Europe must federate or perish.”

The St. Louis Post Dispatch of March 16, 1947 declared that “for Europe it is a case of join — or die.”35 Cooler heads among the “brain trust” realized, however, that any attempt at openly forcing a European federation would stir nationalist resistance and resentment in Europe, and would rightly be viewed as American imperialism. They had to make it appear that the call for a United States of Europe was coming from “the people” of Europe themselves.

The most informative account of the role of America’s Insider Establishment in organizing the movement for a United Europe can be found in a six-part report about the Common Market appearing in the authoritative H. du B. Reports during 1972 and 1973. Written by geo-political analyst Hilaire du Berrier, an American who has been publishing his highly respected intelligence reports from for more than 30 years, the “Story of the Common Market” series details the intrigues of the American CFRAtlantic Council-Bilderberger-Trilateral Commission combine and its European accomplices in their joint campaign for a supra-national European government.

In part five of his series, du Berrier relates a story from the diary of Joseph Retinger that illustrates how the CFR’s agents built the movement for European merger. Retinger was seeking more funds for the European Movement headed at the time by Belgian Prime Minister Paul-Henri Spaak, who was affectionately known in Europe as “Mr. Socialist.”

Du Berrier wrote:

Retinger and Duncan Sandys, the British Eurocrat, went to see John J. McCloy, who in 1947 was American High Commissioner to Germany. McCloy, we learn from Retinger’s diary, embraced the idea at once. Sheppard Stone, who was on McCloy’s staff, and Robert Murphy, the U.S. ambassador to Belgium, whom Retinger called one of the European Movement’s best supporters, joined McCloy in raiding the huge reserve of European currencies called ‘counterpart funds’ which had piled up as a result of Marshall Plan aid....

McCloy, Stone and Murphy “promptly and unhesitatingly put ample funds at the disposal of Paul Henri Spaak,” Retinger recorded.36

It was this same Joseph Retinger who recruited Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands to host the meeting at the Hotel Bilderberg in Oosterbeek, Holland in May 1954 that launched the annual secretive Bilderberger conclaves where the international ruling elite meet to scheme and palaver. McCloy would become a member of the Bilderberger steering committee.37

The Merger Begins

The first concrete step toward the abolition of the European nation-states was taken in 1951 with the signing of the treaty creating the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC). “This was a truly revolutionary organization,” wrote Professor Carroll Quigley, the Insiders’ own inside historian, “since it had sovereign powers, including the authority to raise funds outside any existing state’s power.”38 The ECSC treaty, which went into force in July 1952, merged the coal and steel industries of six countries (West Germany, France, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg) under a single High Authority.

Professor Quigley wrote in his 1966 history of the world, Tragedy and Hope:

This “supranational” body had the right to control prices, channel investment, raise funds, allocate coal and steel.... Its powers to raise funds for its own use by taxing each ton produced made it independent of governments. Moreover, its decisions were binding, and could be reached by majority vote without the unanimity required in most international organizations of sovereign states.39

The proposal for the ECSC was introduced, amidst great fanfare, in May 1950 as the “Schuman Plan.” Although Monsieur Monnet, then head of France’s General Planning Commission, was the real author of the plan, he thought it expedient to name it for his comrade Robert Schuman, the Socialist French Foreign Minister who later became Prime Minister.40 The American Insiders leapt to praise the Schuman Plan. John Foster Dulles called it “brilliantly creative.”41 Dean Acheson termed it a “major contribution toward the resolution of the pressing political and economic problems of Europe.”42

And President Truman called it “an act of constructive statesmanship.”43 The Carnegie Foundation awarded Monnet its Wateler Peace Prize of two million francs “in recognition of the international spirit which he had shown in conceiving the Coal and Steel Community....”44 Monnet, whom columnist Joseph Alsop (CFR) called the “good, gray wizard of Western European union,”45 was appointed the first president of the powerful new ECSC. Monnet knew full well just how powerful and revolutionary his new creation was.

Merry and Serge Bromberger reported in Jean Monnet and the United States of Europe that when Monnet and his “brain trust” had outlined the basics of the ECSC proposal, they called in legal expert Maurice Lagrange to take care of the detail work. The Brombergers wrote:

Lagrange was stunned. An idea of revolutionary daring had been launched and was being acclaimed by the Six and the United States — a minerals and metals superstate.... “I hope the structure will stand up,” Monnet said dubiously. The brain trust worked feverishly from ten o’clock in the morning until midnight, without taking Sundays or holidays off, not even Christmas day. Even the secretaries and the office boys were infected by the general excitement, by the feeling that they were part of a fantastic undertaking.46

The Brombergers, who are ardent admirers of Monnet, then admit the conspiratorial and totalitarian mind-set of their hero:

Gradually, it was thought, the supranational authorities, supervised by the European Council of Ministers at Brussels and the Assembly in Strasbourg, would administer all the activities of the Continent. A day would come when governments would be forced to admit that an integrated Europe was an accomplished fact, without their having had a say in the establishment of its underlying principles. All they would have to do was to merge all these autonomous institutions into a single federal administration and then proclaim a United States of Europe....

Actually, the founders of the Coal and Steel Community would have to obtain from the various national governments — justifiably reputed to be incapable of making sacrifices for the sake of a federation — a whole series of concessions in regard to their sovereign rights until, having been finally stripped, they committed hara-kiri by accepting the merger.47

Realizing that some nations might at some point rebel against the “new order,” the “good gray wizard” and his Eurocrats sought to establish their own army, which they dubbed the European Defense Community (EDC). After clamoring for national disarmament, the Eurocrat pacifists were now demanding that an independent armed forces complete with nuclear weapons be put under their command.48

The EDC treaty was signed by the six ECSC nations in 1952, but plans for the supranational army fell apart when, after two years of bitter debate, the treaty was rejected by the French Parliament.

The next nail in the coffin of European national sovereignty came on March 25, 1957 with the signing by the six ECSC nations of the two Treaties of Rome. These created the European Economic Community (EEC or Common Market) and the European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom), which greatly furthered the process of merging the economic and energy sectors of the member states. (The ECSC, Euratom, and EEC are now collectively referred to as the European Community or EC.) “The EEC Treaty,” said Carroll Quigley, “with 572 articles over almost 400 pages ... looked forward to eventual political union in Europe, and sought economic integration as an essential step on the way.”49

But the merger architects settled on an approach of patient gradualism; what Richard N. Gardner (CFR) would later call “an end run around national sovereignty, eroding it piece by piece.”50 According to the late Professor Quigley, “This whole process was to be achieved by stages over many years.”51

The next stage involved bringing the rest of Western Europe into the fold. In 1973 the United Kingdom, after more than two decades of resisting, came in, as did Ireland and Denmark. Greece joined in 1981, bringing the number of member states to ten. Spain and Portugal became the 11th and 12th members in 1986.

“The CFR,” wrote du Berrier in January 1973, “saw the Common Market from the first as a regional government to which more and more nations would be added until the world government which the UN had failed to bring about would be realized. At a favorable point in the Common Market’s development, America would be brought in. But the American public had to be softened first and leaders groomed for the change-over.”

The CFR spared no expense or effort in aiding its European co-conspirators, especially Jean Monnet, to establish their dreamed-of Brave New World. A very enlightening source on this phenomenon is Insider Ernst H. van der Beugel, honorary secretary general of the Bilderberger Group, vice chairman of the Netherlands Institute for Foreign Affairs (a CFR affiliate), Harvard lecturer, etc.

In his book From Marshall Aid to Atlantic Partnership — which contains a foreword by “my friend Henry Kissinger” — Trilateralist-Bilderberger van der Beugel explained:

Not only has Monnet been the auctor intellectualis of many steps on the road to European unification, he has also been a driving force in the execution of existing plans. His most remarkable capacity has been his great influence on the formulation of United States policy towards Europe. He exercised this influence through a network of close friendships and relationships, some of them going back to the pre-war period.52

Explaining further the workings of the Monnet-CFR symbiosis, van der Beugel cited examples of the diplomatic bludgeoning of those officials who balked at administering national “hara-kiri.” For instance, he reported how Monnet’s Action Committee, which was “supported by funds from United States foundations,” ramrodded the negotiations for the Rome Treaties:

Monnet and his Action Committee were unofficially supervising the negotiations and as soon as obstacles appeared, the United States diplomatic machinery was alerted, mostly through Ambassador Bruce ... who had immediate access to the top echelon of the State Department....

At that time, it was usual that if Monnet thought that a particular country made difficulties in the negotiations, the American diplomatic representative in that country approached the Foreign Ministry in order to communicate the opinion of the American Government which, in practically all cases, coincided with Monnet’s point of view.53 Monnet’s high-level friends, who assisted him in these strong-arm tactics, included President Eisenhower, John Foster Dulles, John J. McCloy, David Bruce, Averell Harriman, George Ball, and C. Douglas Dillon.54

Monnet’s diabolical designs are coming to fruition at a frightening pace. The Single European Act (SEA) and the Maastricht Accords are intended to make political and economic union irreversible.

Citizens of the EC countries are finding their lives and livelihoods increasingly controlled by Eurocrats in Brussels, even as national governments find their sovereign rights sacrificed under such deliberately vague and ambiguous rubrics as “cooperation,” “union,” “integration,” “convergence,” and “harmonization.” Soon it will be impossible for member states to block policies that are clearly harmful to their national interests. EC Commissioner Willy De Clercq, in a 1987 speech, boasted that the SEA should make it possible for two-thirds of the EC decisions to be made by a qualified majority, in contrast to the 90 percent of decisions that previously required unanimous consent.55

In his prophetic book New Lies for Old, published appropriately in 1984, KGB defector Anatoliy Golitsyn warned of the coming “false liberalization” in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. This deception, he predicted with uncanny accuracy, would be embraced by the West and would lead to “a merger between the EEC [European Economic Community, now referred to simply as the European Community, EC] and Comecon,” the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance of Communist States. Once that occurred, Golitsyn stated, the “European Parliament might become an all-European socialist parliament with representation from the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. ‘Europe from the Atlantic to the Urals’ would turn out to be a neutral, socialist Europe.”56

It is happening as he predicted. This “Finlandization” of Europe does not seem to bother the new world order ruling elite, however.

In 1990 the Council on Foreign Relations and the Royal Institute of International Affairs jointly published a study entitled The Transformation of Western Europe. Written by RIIA Deputy Director William Wallace, it triumphantly proclaimed:

We face, as Pierre Hassner has remarked, “not the Finlandization of Western Europe which Americans feared, but the Brusselization of Eastern Europe.”57

To which the obvious response should be, “What is the difference?” More and more, the plans of the CFR-Trilateral-Bilderberg elite with and become indistinguishable from those of the Kremlin. Stalin’s 1936 official program of the Communist International declared:

This world dictatorship can be established only when the victory of socialism has been achieved in certain countries or groups of countries, when the newly established proletarian republics enter into a federative union with the already existing proletarian republics ... [and] when these federations of republics have finally grown into a World Union of Soviet Socialist Republics uniting the whole of mankind under the hegemony of the international proletariat organized as a state.58

Is the Stalin formula essentially different from the globalist vision announced by former German Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher, one of the most outspoken proponents of full-tilt European unification? Speaking about “The Future of Europe” in Lisbon, Portugal on July 12, 1991, he declared:

“The road points not backward to the nation-state of the past.... Basically, it is a matter of constructing a world order of peace in which the United Nations must at last play the central role assigned it in its Charter.”59 (Emphasis added)

And there we have a clear admission that the economic and union of European nations is not the final goal of these socialist and internationalist manipulators. What they have always sought ultimately is control of the entire planet by the United.

Notes

1. M. Peter McPherson, “The European Community’s Internal Market Program: An American Perspective,” an address before the Institute for International Economics, August 4, 1988, Treasury News, B-1505, p. 2.
2. Merry and Serge Bromberger, Jean Monnet and the United States of Europe (New York: Coward- McCann Publishers, 1969), p. 19.
3. Ibid.
4. Arnold J. Zurcher, The Struggle to Unite Europe 1940-1958 (New York: New York Univ. Press, 1958), pp. 4-5.
5. Hans F. Sennholz, How Can Europe Survive? (New York: D. Van Nostrand Company, 1955), p. 70.
6. Ibid., pp. 29, 137.
7. Zurcher, p. 14.
8. Ibid., p. 15.
9. Ibid., p. 13.
10. Bromberger, p. 33.
11. Ibid.
12. Ibid.
13. George Racey Jordan, From Major Jor’s Diaries (New York: International Graphics, 1952).
14. Clarence Streit, Union Now (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1940).
15. Dan Smoot, The Invisible Government (Appleton, WI: Western Islands, 1965), p. 94.
16. Hans Heymann, Plan for Permanent Peace (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1941), p. 78.
17. Ibid., pp. 263-64 and Chapters V, VI, VII, and X.
18. James Perloff, The Shadows of Power (Appleton, WI: Western Islands, 1988), p. 127.
19. European Movement and the Council of Europe with Forewords by Winston S. Churchill and Paul- Henri Spaak, published on behalf of the European Movement. (London, New York: Hutchinson & Co, 1958), pp. 33-34, 36.
20. Ibid, p. 34. See also HduB Reports, April 1972, p. 2.
21. Michael J. Hogan, The Marshall Plan (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), p. 43.
22. Bromberger, p. 62.
23. Laurence Shoup and William Minter, Imperial Brain Trust: The Council on Foreign Relations and United States Foreign Policy (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1977), p 35.
24. Hogan, pp. 97-98.
25. Ibid., pp. 99, 98.
26. Ibid., p. 98.
27. Walter Isaacson and Evan Thomas, The Wise Men (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1986), p. 289.
28. William P. Hoar, “The Amazing John J. McCloy,” American Opinion, March, 1983, pp. 25-40.
29. Max Holland, “Citizen McCloy” The Wilson Quarterly, Autumn 1991, p. 37.
30. Hoar, p. 39. See also Gar Alperovitz and Kai Bird, “Dream of Total Disarmament Could Become Reality,” Los Angeles Times, January 5, 1992, p. M6.
31. Isaacson and Thomas, p. 397.
32. Sennholz, p. 185.
33. Hogan, p. 429.
34. Ibid., p. 40.
35. Ernst H. van der Beugel, From Marshall Aid to Atlantic Partnership (Amsterdam, New York: Elsevier Publishing Co., 1966), pp. 101-02.
36. H. du B. Reports, November-December 1972, p. 6.
37. H. du B. Reports, September 1972, p. 2.
38. Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time (New York: Macmillan, 1966), page 1284.
39. Ibid.
40. H. du B. Reports, May, 1972, pp. 1-2. See also Don Cook, “Monnet: Europe’s Gentle Guiding Hand.” Los Angeles Times, October 8, 1976, pp. 8-9, and “Monnet, Key to European Unity, Dead at Age 90,” Los Angeles Times, March 17, 1979, pp. 1, 15.
41. Hogan, p. 367.
42. Ibid.
43. Ibid.
44. H.du B. Reports, May 1972, p. 1.
45. Joseph Alsop, July 9, 1964, quoted ibid., p. 6.
46. Bromberger, p. 123.
47. Ibid.
48. Quigley, pp. 1284-85. See also H. du B. Reports, September 1972, pp. 1-2.
49. Ibid., p. 1285.
50. Richard N. Gardner, “The Hard Road To World Order,” Foreign Affairs, April 1974, p. 558.
51. Quigley, p. 1286.
52. van der Beugel, p. 245.
53. Ibid., p. 323.
54. Ibid., p. 246. See also: Hogan, pp. 153-63; and H. du B. Report, July/August 1979, pp. 4-5.
55. “1992: The Great European Market?” address by Willy De Clercq at the Eurug Conference, Ghent, 25 October 1987, text provided by EC Office of Press & Public Affairs, Washington, DC.
56. Anatoliy Golitsyn, New Lies For Old (New York: Dodd, Mead, & Co., 1984), pp. 341-42.
57. William Wallace, The Transformation of Western Europe (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1990), p. 94.
58. Program of the Communist International (New York: Workers Library Publishers, 1936), p. 36.
59. Hans-Dietrich Genscher, “The Future of Europe,” speech delivered in Lisbon on July 12, 1991, Statements & Speeches, Vol. XIV, No. 8, German Information Center, New York.

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