by Prof. Michel Chossudovsky
July 21, 2015
On Sunday July 5, the Greek people voted
in a historic referendum to refuse the Troika's draft agreement.
Referendum was an outright "ritual of
The Greek people were betrayed. On
Monday morning, July 6, on the day following the referendum, Prime
minister Tsipras put forth a 13 page draft proposal which
included most of the demands of the creditors.
This proposal, which was drafted
before the referendum in close consultation with the
creditors was essentially intended to lead towards the acceptance of
the creditors' demands, namely to support the YES vote which was
defeated in the July 5 Referendum.
This about-turn had been carefully engineered. The Greek people were
misled and deceived.
PM Tsipras was "in bed with the
creditors" while leading the No Campaign. He had made a deal
with the creditors, he was in favor of accepting the demands of the
creditors all along.
The NO mandate of the Greek people was
meant to be ignored. And the decision to stall the implementation of
the NO Vote was taken BEFORE the referendum.
The July 6 post referendum document put forth by PM Tsipras on
Monday 6 July was accepted in substance by
It was then endorsed by the Greek
question for the Greek people
Does the vote of acceptance by
the Greek parliament provide a legally binding green-light
to the government to finalize debt negotiations AGAINST the
Greek people, overriding the NO Vote in the Referendum?
What is the role of a referendum
under Greece's constitution?
While the result of a referendum is not
always legally binding, it nonetheless provides an explicit
political mandate to the government which has to be followed.
A referendum cannot be based on an a
The results cannot be ignored in a
The referendum was held while the Tsipras government had already
decided to cave in to the creditors. Neither the Parliament nor the
government can rescind the VOTE of the Greek people on the July 5
Under a democracy, the government has a responsibility to implement
the NO vote in the Referendum, which was sponsored by the Syriza
government in the first place.
If it is not willing to respond to the demands of the Greek people
it must resign.
It is important at this stage that the Greek people question the
legality of the parliamentary decision. It is worth noting that the
Supreme Special Court (Ανώτατο Ειδικό Δικαστήριο) endorsed
the holding of the Referendum.
What must now be established is the constitutionality of the
parliament's denial of the Referendum procedure and its de facto
endorsement of the YES Vote. That decision has to be challenged. And
this must be done before a final binding agreement with the
creditors is reached.
The complete and detailed final text of the bailout agreement will
most likely not be made public.
It should be noted that many features of this agreement, including
those outlined in Tsipras' 13 page document are in violation of
Greece's constitution (e.g.
articles 22-23 pertaining to labour and social rights).
An ad hoc bailout agreement negotiated by bureaucrats cannot
override precise clauses contained in the country's constitution.
That is ultimately the objective of the creditors:
Undermine the premises of Greek