by Glen Ford and Peter Gamble
February 2, 2004
First Published in The Black Commentator
from
DissidentVoice Website
Howard Dean has joined the list of
victims of U.S. corporate media consolidation. Dean shares this
distinction with Dennis Kucinich and the people of the formerly
sovereign state of Iraq, among many others. Dean was stripped of
half his popular support in the space of two weeks in January while
John Kerry - tied in the polls with Carol Moseley-Braun at seven
percent just two months earlier - rose like a genie from a bottle to
become the overnight presidential frontrunner.
Both candidates were shocked and
disoriented by the dizzying turns of fortune, and for good reason.
Neither Dean nor Kerry had done anything on their own that could
have so dramatically altered the race. Corporate America decided
that Dean must be savaged, and its media sector made it happen.
This commentary, however, is not about the merits of Howard Dean. If
a mildly progressive, Internet-driven, young white middle
class-centered, movement-like campaign such as Dean’s - flush with
money derived from unconventional sources, backed by significant
sections of labor, reinforced by big name endorsements and surging
with upward momentum - can be derailed in a matter of weeks at the
whim of corporate media, then all of us are in deep trouble. The
Dean beat-down should signal an intense reassessment of media’s role
in the American power structure.
The African-American historical
experience has much to offer in that regard, since the Civil Rights
and Black Power Movements were born in a wrestling match with an
essentially hostile corporate (white) media. However, there can be
no meaningful discussion of the options available to progressive
forces in the United States unless it is first recognized that the
corporate media in the current era is the enemy, and must be treated
that way.
It is no longer possible to view commercial news media as mere
servants of the ruling rich -- they are full members of the
presiding corporate pantheon. General media consolidation has
created an integrated mass communications system that is both
objectively and self-consciously at one with the Citibanks and
ExxonMobils of the world.
Media companies act in effective unison
on matters of importance to the larger corporate class. For all
politically useful purposes, the monopolization of US media is now
complete, in that the corporate owners and managers of the dominant
organs are interchangeable and indistinguishable, sharing a common
mission and worldview. (That’s the underlying reason why their
“news” product is nearly identical.) Monopolies do not require a
solitary actor -- an ensemble acting in concert achieves the same
results.
In the past year we have seen consciousness-shaking evidence of the
corporate media’s implacable hostility to any manifestation of
resistance to the current order. Media rushed to embed themselves in
the US war machine’s Iraq invasion, and collaborated to actively
suppress public awareness of a full-blown movement against the war.
Hundreds of thousands of protestors were
made to disappear in plain sight. Corporate media conspired - which
is what businessmen in boardrooms do as a matter of daily routine -
not only to shield the public from dissenting opinions (their usual
assignment), but to drastically diminish, distort and even erase
huge gatherings that were profoundly newsworthy by any rational
standard. This is not mere bias, but the end result of the corporate
decision making process.
There is no line separating “news”
producers from larger corporate structures, nor can media companies
be neatly segregated from the oligarchic herd. Corporate media’s
ties to the Pirates in Washington are organic and nearly seamless.
Their collusion seems almost telepathic, because they share the same
class and worldview -- the most far reaching consequence of media
consolidation.
The corporate media is a window on the dialogue among the rich. They
are saying loudly and uniformly that even mild resistance to their
rule will be treated as illegitimate and subjected to censorship and
ridicule by their media organs. The scope of tolerable dissent has
been narrowed, as reflected in the behavior of corporate media. The
Dean beat-down is just the latest twist in the tightening of the
screws.
The thoroughly Republican nature of corporate opinion molding
mechanisms is evident in their treatment of Bill Clinton and
Al
Gore. The media giants subjected Clinton to the full fury of the
Hard Right’s campaign to destabilize his presidency, ultimately
resulting in impeachment hearings.
Al Gore, a sitting vice-president
seeking the top job in 2000, was reduced to a caricature by the
corporate press corps and punditry -- the torture of a thousand
daily cuts. Gore’s cardboard image was the cumulative product of
relentless corporate press commentary, disguised as reportage. Jay
Leno and the other late night jokers feed off carrion that has
already been slaughtered by corporate “news” media.
Clinton’s Republican predecessors were not subjected to anything
approaching such scrutiny and abuse. It is self-evident that George
Bush, who should have been buried under a glacier of scandal and
criminality within months of entering the White House, enjoys the
full-time protection of the corporate press. Their institutional
intention is to elect him again.
Media apologists offer fictions about
press vs. power, when in reality corporate media = corporate power,
just as Bush = corporate power. The Democrats are not part of this
equation.
Thus, the rich men’s media descended on the Democratic Party primary
process in order to mangle and denigrate it, while propping up the
corporate champion in the White House. The New York Times, through
its chief political reporter, Adam Nagourney, set the
parameters of coverage by eliminating any mention of the three
“bottom tier” candidates - starting with his “analysis” of the May
televised debate in South Carolina, a state in which Al Sharpton
is a key player!
Nagourney systematically erased Sharpton,
Kucinich and Carol Moseley-Braun from his weekly coverage of the
contest - a professionally suicidal routine were it not consistent
with the objectives of corporate management. The Times proudly sets
the standard for national reporting, but its leadership was not
necessary to ensure that the bottom tier would remain at the bottom.
The organs of corporate speech all march
to the same tune because there is not a dime’s worth of difference
between their owners.
Get rich or
drop out
The corporate media’s weapons are censorship and ridicule. Dennis
Kucinich absorbed the full measure of both. However, TV “news”
producers, mindful of viewer demographics, tried to avoid direct
aggression against the characters of Moseley-Braun and Sharpton. ABC
finally showed its true corporate colors at the New Hampshire debate
in the person of Nightline’s Ted Koppel. Imperiously addressing the
bottom trio, Koppel said:
You've [to Kucinich] got about $750,000 in the bank right now, and
that's close to nothing when you're coming up against this kind of
opposition. But let me finish the question. The question is, will
there come a point when polls, money and then ultimately the actual
votes that will take place here in places like New Hampshire, the
caucuses in Iowa, will there come a point when we can expect one or
more of the three of you to drop out? Or are you in this as sort of
a vanity candidacy?
Kucinich, Sharpton and Moseley-Braun acquitted themselves well in
the exchange. The real story here is that Koppel felt empowered to
all but demand that the three most progressive candidates (and both
Blacks) vacate the Democratic presidential arena. Koppel had fumed
to the New York Times about the uppity intruders, the month before.
The day after the debate, ABC withdrew its reporters from all three
campaigns. (None of the other networks had even bothered to give
full-time coverage to the bottom tier.)
Koppel’s arrogance, so unbecoming to a journalist, is rooted in his
actual status at ABC/Disney: he is a corporate executive who
pretends to be a newsman on television. His professional history
notwithstanding, Koppel and each of the high profile TV “news”
personalities are millionaire executives who act as spokesmen for
the corporate divisions of their parent companies. They interact
with executives of other divisions, principally marketing - the
domain of sales and “impressions.” Koppel is incapable of thinking
in terms other than money and polls, an important marketing tool.
He is proprietary about the political
process because, as an esteemed executive in the ruling corporate
class, he thinks he owns it.
Self-fulfilling prophesy
Howard Dean’s brilliant use of the Internet allowed him to
capitalize on anti-war sentiment while assembling a funding base
independent of the usual corporate suspects. Dean’s December surge
took the corporate media by surprise, alarming the bosses and their
friends in the White House. Like a Mormon Tabernacle Choir, the
corporate media rose with one voice to question Dean’s
“electability.”
It is important to note that in
mid-December, according to Newsweek’s poll, Dean, Kerry and Clark
were doing equally in a match-up with George Bush, at 40, 41, and 41
percent, respectively. There was no statistical basis to single out
Dean as unelectable. Dean had just gotten the endorsement of Al Gore
and two of the nation’s most important unions, AFSCME and SEIU. No
matter.
The corporate media has the power of
self-fulfilling prophesy, and they know it. Negative impressions
rained down on Dean like a monsoon, and didn’t let up even after the
damage was done. Dean was tagged by the media as a loser to Bush
well before he let out “The Scream” - an innocuous, non-event, on
the night of his Iowa defeat.
Dean understands what was done to him, although there’s nothing much
he can do about it. In an interview with CNN’s repugnant Wolf
Blitzer, the candidate said:
“You report the news and you create
the news… You chose to play it [“The Scream”] 673 times.”
It is clear from the numbers that
Democratic voters, determined to be rid of George Bush, were afraid
to support the “unelectable” Dean. Lots of them ran to Kerry, who
had polled at only 7 percent nationally in November. Kerry had done
and said nothing to affect this sea change. The irony here is that
it is Bush who is so scary to Democratic voters that they backed
away from Dean, whom the corporate media had pegged as a “scary”
guy.
Chris Bowers offered a compelling analysis of the corporate media
coup in the January 28 Daily Kos:
In order to reduce the increasing
control of the Political Opinion Complex over our political
process, we need to begin developing and strengthening
institutions strong enough to counter its current influence.
Specifically, we need to further develop networks where
political information can be mass distributed outside of the
POC's control. Not long ago, there were several such outside
institutions. Unions and churches were a far more pervasive part
of people's lives.
Newspapers and periodicals were
significantly more numerous and varied in their political
outlook. Public television and radio had far larger audiences.
Political parties and societies were either machines or at least
overflowing with active members. All of these now weakened
institutions once served as means to perform end-runs outside
the control of the corporate media and the Political Opinion
Complex.
Engagement with the political
process through means other than television was far greater.
However, those institutions no longer serve as significant
counter-weights to the strength of the Political Opinion Complex
African Americans faced a much more
hostile establishment (white) press in the days of Jim Crow, local
newspapers that often incited mob violence against Blacks and, on
occasion, announced lynchings in advance. In the Fifties, Blacks
employed informal and church networks and the Black press (where it
existed) to create mass movements - facts on the ground that could
not be ignored.
The Montgomery Bus Boycott and, later,
mass marches and jail-ins in Birmingham drew the attention of the
northern-based corporate media. More interested in recording the
show than supporting the protestors, the media nevertheless served
to fire up the spirit of Black America and hasten the demise of Jim
Crow.
As the Sixties unfolded, mass incendiary activity presented the
media and nation with additional facts - burning cities are not
easily ignored. The corporate press grudgingly integrated their
staffs. Although Black newspapers went into steep decline, Black
radio sprouted news departments that encouraged local organizers to
tackle the tasks of a post-Civil Rights world.
Thirty years later, media consolidation has had the same
strangulating effects on Black radio as in the general media. Radio
One, the largest Black-owned chain, recently entered into a
marketing agreement with a subsidiary of Clear Channel, the
1200-station beast. Both chains abhor the very concept of local
news.
There is no question that Blacks and progressives must establish
alternative media outlets, and not just on the Internet. However,
there is no substitute for confronting the corporate media head-on,
through direct mass action and other, creative tactics. The rich
men’s voices must be de-legitimized in the eyes of the people, who
already suspect that we are being systematically lied to and
manipulated. African-Americans have an advantage in this regard,
since they are used to being lied to and about.
No society in human history has confronted an enemy as omnipresent
as the US corporate media. Yet there is no choice but to challenge
their hegemony.
The world can be changed, but only by changing the way others see
their world.
Glen Ford and Peter Gamble are the editors of The Black Commentator,
where this article first appeared.
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