
by David E. Sanger and Steven Erlanger
February 16, 2025
from
NYTimes Website

Vice President JD Vance
speaking with
President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine
during a
bilateral meeting on the sidelines of the
Munich Security
Conference on Friday.
Credit -
Matthias Schrader
Associated
Press
European leaders
felt certain
about one thing
after a
whirlwind tour by Trump officials
- they were
entering a new world
where it was
harder to depend
on the United
States...
Many critical issues were left uncertain - including the fate of
Ukraine - at the end of Europe's first encounter with an angry and
impatient Trump administration.
But one thing was clear:
An epochal breach appears to be opening in
the Western alliance.
After three years of war that forged a new unity
within NATO,
the Trump administration has made clear it is planning to focus its
attention elsewhere:
in Asia, Latin America, the Arctic and
anywhere President Trump believes the United States can obtain
critical mineral rights.
European officials who emerged from
a meeting with Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said they now
expect that tens of thousands of American troops will be pulled out
of Europe - the only question is how many, and how fast.
And they fear that in one-on-one negotiations with President
Vladimir V. Putin
of Russia, Mr. Trump is on his way
to agreeing to terms that could ultimately put Moscow in a position
to own a fifth of Ukraine and to prepare to take the rest in a few
years' time.
Mr. Putin's ultimate goal, they believe, is to break up
the NATO alliance.
Those fears spilled out on the stage of the Munich Security
Conference on Saturday morning, when President Volodymyr
Zelensky declared that,
"Ukraine will never accept deals made behind
our backs."
He then called optimistically for the creation of
an "army of Europe," one that includes his now battle-hardened
Ukrainian forces.
He was advocating, in essence, a military
alternative to NATO, a force that would make its own decisions
without the influence - or the military control - of the United
States.
Mr. Zelensky predicted that Mr. Putin would soon seek to
manipulate Mr. Trump, speculating that the Russian leader would
invite the new American president to the celebration of the 80th
anniversary of the defeat of Nazi Germany.
"Putin will try to get the U.S. president
standing on Red Square on May 9 this year," he told a jammed
hall of European diplomats and defense and intelligence
officials, "not as a respected leader but as a prop in his own
performance."

Putin of Russia at a
military parade on Victory Day
at the Red
Square in Moscow last May.
Credit - Nanna
Heitmann
for The New York
Times
Behind closed doors, Mr. Zelensky had a different kind of
confrontation with the Trump administration officials this past
week:
After meetings with Treasury Secretary
Scott Bessent in Kyiv, Ukraine's capital, he rejected an
extraordinary proposal that the United States be granted a 50
percent interest in all of Ukraine's mineral resources,
including graphite, lithium and uranium, as compensation for
past and future support of the war, according to two
European officials.
Mr. Zelensky himself referred to the tense
negotiation in Munich, after he met Mr. Vance, complaining that the
administration's proposal included no security guarantees for the
country should Russia attempt another invasion.
"We can consider how to distribute profits
when security guarantees are clear," he said.
The security guarantee is key because Ukrainians
believe the United States and Britain failed to live up to
obligations to protect the country under an agreement signed at the
end of the Cold War, when Ukraine gave up the Russian nuclear
weapons on its territory.
But European diplomats complained that the
negotiation reeked of colonialism, an era of exploitation when
Western countries held up smaller nations for commodities, in return
for protection.
Listening to the open debate at the Munich Security Conference over
the past three days, and the more blunt conversations over dinners
and in hallways, was to witness a relationship in crisis and
confusion.
It was only last July that the NATO allies gathered in Washington
for the 75th anniversary of the world's largest and most successful
military alliance.
While officials knew that the re-election of
Donald J. Trump would strain
the system, they have been stunned by both the ferocity and the
velocity of the effort.
"Compare the speeches that General Mattis and
Mike Pence gave here in their first appearances in 2017," said
Senator Jeanne Shaheen, Democrat of New Hampshire,
referring to Mr. Trump's first defense secretary and vice
president.
"They were full of reassurance and discussion
of what allies can do together. Then listen to Pete Hegseth and
JD Vance this week," she said.
"It feels that it's their goal to create
division."
In fact, when Keith Kellogg, Mr. Trump's
special envoy for Ukraine, spoke in Munich on Saturday, he made
clear that,
Europe would not be at the negotiating
table...
He envisioned a negotiation between Russia and
Ukraine in which the United States plays "mediator."
It is the uncertainty of how that negotiation will play out - and
whether Europeans can count on the United States to come to their
defense should Russia try to pick off a smaller NATO nation next -
that is driving European anxiety.
But it is also clear that the Trump
administration has no clear plan for Ukraine, at least not yet...

President Volodymyr
Zelensky of Ukraine
told a crowd on
Saturday at the 61st Munich Security Conference
that "Ukraine
will never accept deals made behind our backs."
Credit - Ronald
Wittek/EPA,
via Shutterstock
"For those in search of Trump's strategy on
Ukraine: Relax," said Douglas Lute, who served both
Democratic and Republican presidents in senior national security
positions.
"There is no strategy."
Still, President Emmanuel Macron of France
has asked "the main European countries" to come to Paris on Monday
to discuss the war in Ukraine and European security, Jean-Noël
Barrot, the foreign minister, said on Sunday in an interview on
France Inter radio.
The Élysée Palace said on Sunday in a statement that the meeting
would be informal and involve the heads of government from,
Germany, Britain, Italy, Poland, Spain, the
Netherlands and Denmark.
The presidents of the European Council and the
European Commission, as well as the NATO chief, would also attend.
"Their work will continue in different
formats, with the objective of bringing together partners
interested in peace and security in Europe," the statement said.
Prime Minister Keir Starmer of Britain is
expected to go, saying on Saturday that this was a,
"once-in-a-generation moment for our national
security",
...and that it was clear that Europe must take a
greater role in
NATO.
The Western alliance has gone through many crises before, including
in the 1950s, when President Dwight D. Eisenhower was elected
with a promise to lower the price of waging the Cold War and pulled
back on American troops in Europe, replacing them with nuclear
weapons to keep the Soviet Union at bay.
Some predict a similar move by Mr. Trump in
coming months - sharply reducing manpower, but keeping an arsenal of
nuclear weapons on the continent.
To many in Munich, the past few weeks have already alienated
Europeans and destroyed much of the unity created over the past
three years in providing arms, aid and intelligence to Ukraine.
It is hard to know how lasting the breach will be, but for some like
Norbert Röttgen, a member of Germany's Parliament for the
Christian Democratic Union, the party expected to run the next
government after elections next week, it is time for Europeans to
recognize the world has changed.
"This is a new reality, a break with
traditional European American policy that security in Europe is
a genuine U.S. national interest," he said.
"But this administration does not consider it
a primary U.S. interest, and this is a fundamental shift."
He pointed in particular to Mr. Vance's speech on
Friday.
There was no talk of common bonds, or a plan for
Ukraine, or the goals of a peace negotiation. Instead, Mr. Vance
delivered a blistering attack on European democracy for restricting
the power of the far right.
Mr. Vance then met with the leader of the
far-right German political party that Elon Musk has backed
and which is running second in the opinion polls.
"The spirit of the Vance speech was
hostility," Mr. Röttgen said.

Mr. Vance used a
speech on Friday
at the Munich
Security Conference
to deliver a
blistering attack on European democracy.
Credit - Sean
Gallup/Getty Images
The speed of the embrace of Mr. Putin also shocked those in Munich.
In the
Biden
years, the strategy was to isolate the Russian
leader.
Mr. Trump broke with that approach
when he engaged in a 90-minute phone call with Mr. Putin,
without prior consultation with his allies.
Mr. Vance added to the suspicions.
The parties he embraced during his visit here are
the same far-right parties that Mr. Putin embraces, and that buy
into his narrative of an aggressive NATO infringing on a broader
Russian sphere of influence.
Among those who embraced that view was Tulsi
Gabbard, the new director of national intelligence.
Europeans are now afraid that they may find themselves as pawns in a
negotiation conducted without their active participation, even if
their own borders are in question and they are expected to take up
the largest burden of defending them.
That is reminiscent of a Europe and a world of a
previous age, of regional empires and the rule of the strong with
little concern for the rest.
Kaja Kallas, the E.U. foreign policy chief and former prime
minister of Estonia, said in an interview that she remained worried
about "appeasement" of Mr. Putin by Mr. Trump over Ukraine, which
she defined as,
"giving the aggressor what he wants" even
before negotiations begin.
"That's why we shouldn't give Putin what he
wants because that will only invite more aggression," she said.
Trump officials had sent mixed signals, she said.
"When we meet these people inside the rooms,
we are discussing that we are great allies," Ms. Kallas said.
But then,
"we see also the public statements, which are
a bit confusing."
Given the war in Europe, she said, the stakes are
high.
"It's not only the question of the
sovereignty of Ukraine, or the freedom of Europe," she said.
"It's actually a question of trans-Atlantic
but also global security."

President Trump and Tulsi Gabbard,
the director of
national intelligence,
after Mr. Trump
signed
Ms. Gabbard's
commission document
last week at
the White House.
Credit - Eric
Lee
The New York
Times
As for American troops, which were increased in Europe after the
Russian invasion of Ukraine, she said that there were no detailed
discussions about removing them, but that there was a clear trend
that worried her.
The United States is "turning inward," she said.
Boris Pistorius, the defense minister of Germany, said troop
withdrawals were discussed with Mr. Hegseth in Brussels.
"We would have to compensate for what the
Americans are doing less of in Europe," Mr. Pistorius said.
"But that can't happen overnight."
Mr. Pistorius said he had proposed,
a "road map" to Mr. Hegseth that included "a
change in burden sharing, in such a way that it is orchestrated"
and "no dangerous capability gaps arise over time."
Other NATO defense and foreign ministers have
said that personnel was less of a problem than the kind of arms and
equipment only the United States has in Europe in large numbers,
from attack helicopters to satellite intelligence.
To replace all of that, even if ordered tomorrow,
would take close to a decade, one minister said.

U.S. soldiers being
deployed to Eastern Europe
in response to the
Russia-Ukraine crisis.
Now, Europeans fear
Washington will
pull troops back from
the continent.
Credit - Kenny
Holston
for The New
York Times
As for Ukraine, Ms. Kallas said, there was not yet a real plan from
Washington, and no plan could be imposed by Washington because for
any plan to function,
"you need the Europeans and you need the
Ukrainians."
And if the Ukrainians do not accept a deal and
decide to continue to resist,
"then Europe will support them."
António Costa, the president of the
European Council, said in an interview that it was important,
"to keep calm" and "prepare for all
scenarios, but not to react to each declaration, each tweet,
each speech."
More important, Mr. Costa said, was Europe's
lasting support for Ukraine.
"There can be no lasting peace without
Ukraine and without the European Union," he said.
Europe must pay attention to the realities, not
the rhetoric, he said.
"We are prepared on tariffs, on security, on
defense, on Ukraine," he said.
|