PHRYGIA, FINANCE, AND FRONT MAN
	
	
	
	The Assyrian conquests must have released a very flood of bullion on to the 
	markets of the Middle East. Steeply rising prices that would have followed 
	must have made it more profitable for bankers and money lenders and 
	manufacturers from this most ancient area to look further afield for lands 
	where money as denoted by treasure was not so plentiful, and therefore 
	wherein such treasure might serve them best. 
	
	 
	
	The gold, silver, and electrum 
	bullion with which, after 671 B.C. and the Assyrian thrust into Egypt during 
	the second phase of Assyrian conquest, their store houses and strong rooms 
	were overflowing, could be put to better use than lying inactive in these 
	same store houses or strong rooms, at Nineveh, Babylon, Lagash, or Ur or 
	wherever they were situated.
	
	The privately issued electrum staters of Lydia of the seventh and sixth 
	century B.C. denoted a highly significant possibility... 
	
	 
	
	Lydia was the 
	source of something Assyria badly needed. The first thing such military 
	organization such as existed in Assyria would need, would be financial 
	organization, and secondly, stemming from its financial organization, 
	organization above all towards the purpose of the purchase of the best of 
	arms... Phrygia was famous throughout the ancient world for its arms. (1)
	
	
	 
	
	Lydia bordered on and indeed may very well have been part of Phrygia in 
	earlier times. Hence the secret of the electrum staters. Assyria needed 
	Phrygian arms and at the same time had to accept such financial terns as the 
	suppliers of such arms decreed, and it may safely be assured that such terms 
	stipulated payment was to be made in gold, silver, or electrum.
	
	The extraordinary treasure of such as Sadyattes, latter dispossessed and 
	executed by Croesus, cannot be explained any other way. It had to derive 
	from the plunder gathered up by Assyria from all its conquests, as much as 
	from the river washings of Lydia. The evidence of the gold artifacts, of the 
	ancient civilizations of Anatolia of thousands of years previous to this 
	time, such as Hacilar, Catal Huyuk, Dorak, (2) would indicate that the 
	Anatolian rivers had been well washed for gold many ages before (3)... 
	
	 
	
	Although according to the Guide to the principal coins of the Greeks 
	published by the British Museum, pages 12-13, electrum for the Lydian 
	coinages came from the Pactolus river, the question still stands: "what 
	happened to the enormous gold, silver, and electrum plunder, of Assyria; 
	that had been taken from Aram, Israel, Arabia, and above all from Egypt?"
	
	The great temple cities such as Karnak must have literally gleamed with gold 
	and silver monuments and finishing. According to Diodorus in 57 B.C.: 
	
		
		"So 
	that there was no city under the sun so adorned with so many and stately 
	monuments of gold, silver, and ivory, and multitudes of colossi and 
	obelisks, each cut out of an entire stone...
...The decorations of these buildings were as magnificent as their design. 
	The walls and pylons were covered with paintings and sculpture, the gates 
	and pillars were overlaid with gold and the floors with silver, which, to 
	the Egyptians was a metal hardly less precious than gold itself." (4)
	
	
	The electrum obelisks of Hatsepsut (5) as removed by Ashurbanipal from 
	before the Temple of Amon at Karnak in 661 B.C., contained, according to 
	Breasted 2500 talents of electrum, (6) and according to other writers as 
	much as 2900 talent; not to speak of other more massive plunder stripped 
	from temple and tomb. 
	
	 
	
	The electrum from the obelisks alone, assuming the 
	correctness of the percentages of gold, silver, and copper given on the 
	cylinder reported by Desroches-Noblecourt to be in the Louvre, as being 75%, 
	22%, 3%, respectively, (7) would value at $186,648,000 (166,650 lbs. at 
	approximately $70.00 to the fine ounce), having a buying power infinitely 
	greater than in today. 
	
	 
	
	Skilfully used as the basis of a pyramid of ledger 
	credit page entry money, it would be sufficient to maintain the finances of 
	great enterprise, if not of kingdoms. Lydia, peasant kingdom that had 
	emerged from the ruins of Phrygia after the Cimmerian invasion, (8) could 
	very well have functioned in its institution in a similar manner to 
	Switzerland during the last few hundred years; somewhat in the nature of a 
	bullion broker's or international banker's refuge. (9) 
	
	 
	
	Which might account, 
	perhaps, for the ferocity of the destruction by Cyrus of the hapless 
	Croesus, who was said to have been flayed alive; as example no doubt to 
	other kings, and to remind them that while their power was national, there 
	was another power which was international; above and beyond the power of 
	petty kings...
	
	Similarly, the other metals, copper, bronze, and iron, no longer deemed 
	precious, and which therefore were often left on the battlefield, would fall 
	into the hands of members of those semi-criminal castes such as Sadyattes, 
	previously mentioned, who would control the camp followers that stripped the 
	dead and thus garnered this scrap metal. These metals offered considerable 
	profit by way of manufacturing counterfeits of the currencies of those 
	states wherein base metal currencies were used...
	
	Many Northern states and cities to which considerable industry was being 
	transferred, used copper or iron fiduciary currencies in earlier times. Such 
	was the iron currency of Clazomenae mentioned by Aristotle (10) and the iron 
	spits of Pre-Pheidon Argos, examples of which were dedicated to the Goddess 
	in the Temple of Hera at Argos at the commencement of silver coinage by 
	Pheidon, and were actually exhumed from the place of their dedication by the 
	archaeologists who explored that site. (11) 
	
	 
	
	Herein would have been fertile 
	field for profit for those that dealt in money in Greece or elsewhere, for 
	that matter.
	
	Though the Greek himself obviously must have been the foundation of Greek 
	industry, the Aramean or the Phoenician, bringing the ways of money and 
	banking and who brought an alphabet and writing to Greece, became the 
	cornerstone of that industry. 
	
	 
	
	He also brought agencies from the great 
	banking houses of Babylonia such as that firm mentioned by Professor Sayce 
	in Babylonian Literature, which flourished from the reign of Nabopolassar, 
	the father of Nebuchadnezzar, to the reign of Darius Hystaspes; 
	approximately one hundred years; and of which evidence remains in the clay 
	cheques and deeds found by some Arabs in a great earthen jar. (12)
	
	
	 
	
	Since the 
	time of Professor Sayce, which is nearly a hundred years ago, much more 
	evidence of the existence of powerful banking and merchant institutions has 
	come to light; outstandingly those of the Egibi Sons, and the Murassu, who, 
	according to Professor Humphrey Michell in his work, The Economics of 
	Ancient Greece (P. 334), carried on very large and complicated business; 
	even by modern standards.
	
	Just as Babylonian business and banking houses maintained extensive branches 
	in the Sumerian cities, such as at Lagash where their records were found to 
	exceed the records of the king, (13) so it may safely be assumed that they 
	maintained branches within any state within the limits of the communications 
	of the day, and where profit was to be made.
	
	The sturdy intelligent people of Greece were a fertile field for the renewal 
	of industry and trade after the disturbance that must have followed the rise 
	in prices deriving from the augmentation of precious metal reserves 
	resulting from the flow of Assyrian plunder on to the bullion markets, and 
	later, with Babylonia once again supreme following the victories of 
	Nabopolassar in 605 B.C., from the similar flow of Babylonian plunder. 
	
	 
	
	At 
	the same time Greece was a place of refuge from the war clouds drifting over 
	all that Near East world, and the stench of slaughter that followed the 
	warring hosts...
	
	It would not be long before the skill of the Aramean at letters, money, 
	counterfeit or otherwise, and in organization of industry, stirred the 
	peasant kingdoms of Greece. Industries rose under the guidance of these 
	refugees similar to those of their homelands, to be later followed by a 
	money economy as to the silver standards of Babylonia, and by the systematic 
	spreading of money madness amongst the landed aristocracy of Greece, thus 
	separating them from their peoples for whom they had been the hereditary 
	guides. 
	
	 
	
	For their peoples and their labours had now become but cyphers; 
	desirable wealth assessed as according to the figures in the banker's book.
	
	The people who drifted into the cities as slave or freeman, and found 
	employment in the organized manufacturies of these strangers who by now were 
	calling themselves Greeks, and were by now bearing Greek names, not 
	unnaturally gave their allegiance to that new hand that seemed to feed them. 
	
	
	 
	
	Eagerly, just as in today, they drank at the fountain of hatred of their 
	former masters, who through their sanction of the activities of these "New 
	Greeks", and connivance with them in respect to the new money system they 
	set up, betrayed both their people and themselves...
	
	Among the first steps towards the total monetization of the wealth and 
	labour of the Greek peoples to a precious metal standard controllable by the 
	great banking houses of Babylonia, was the permitting of the striking of a 
	silver coinage on the island of Aegina by Pheidon, (14) "progressive" King 
	of Argos in 680 B.C., similar to the private coinage that was issued in 
	Lydia prior to Croesus. 
	
	 
	
	"Progressive" King of Argos meant in this case a 
	king ready to listen to the blandishments of money power, luring him into 
	that trap which was the use of precious metal currency, over which he could 
	have relatively little control; since silver as its base was to be obtained 
	only at great expense by slave labour at localities too often far distant, 
	and, relative to localities yielding iron or copper, few and far between. 
	
	
	 
	
	True, the silver used by the moneyers of Aegina probably came from Laureion, 
	in sight across the sea. But even though the source of supply was so close 
	at hand, a coinage of which so small a unit represented so much value, 
	placed the economy, through the practices of banking, in the hands of the 
	international bullion controllers.
	
	That the bankers, known as trapezitae, conducted almost the same business as 
	bankers today is clearly indicated by the article in Seffert's Classical 
	Dictionary, even if, as the word trapezitae indicates, they but sat at a 
	bench in the market place, instead of sitting in gilded halls surmounted by 
	sixty story buildings, as indeed they do today. 
	
	 
	
	Within the limits of clay 
	tablet and stylus, the same confidence game was operated, though probably 
	there were few who understood it as being such;... yesterday it was a 
	conspiracy against the men of a city, or a relatively small state; today a 
	conspiracy against the whole world. 
	
	 
	
	Those that have their hands on the 
	throttle of this all embracing evil do not however bear the faintest 
	resemblance to whole hearted demons in hell, or gods who in their mountain 
	halls contemptuously plan the total eradication of man who may be their 
	complete failure.... They are but pudgy and sly little men as much 
	overwhelmed by the monster they have raised, as are the foolish nations that 
	permitted them so to do.
	
	Of Ancient Greek banking Seffert says : 
	
		
		"...Bankers were called by the 
	Greeks trapezitae because they sat at tables in the market places, the 
	centre of all business transactions. They acted as money changers exchanging 
	for a commission heavy money or gold into smaller coin, and the moneys of 
	different systems with each other. In commercial cities they would do a 
	considerable trade in this way, the different standards and the uncertainty 
	of the stamping of the coins in Greece creating a great demand for their 
	assistance. 
		 
		
		They also acted as money lenders both on a small and a large 
	scale. Finally they received money on deposit. People placed their money 
	with them for safe custody, partly to facilitate the management of it. 
		
		 
		
		The 
	depositors, according to their convenience, either drew out sums of money 
	themselves, or commissioned their banker to make payment to a third person. 
	In this line the business of the banks was considerable. If a citizen had a 
	large sum of money circulating in business, he probably preferred to put it 
	in a bank and to hand over to the banker the business of making his 
	payments. 
		 
		
		Strangers too found that the banks offered them such facilities 
	that they were glad to make considerable use of them. (15) The bankers kept 
	strict account of all monies in their charge. If a person were making a 
	payment to another who was a depositor at the same bank, the banker would 
	simply transfer the requisite sum from one account to another. The bankers 
	were generally well known from the public character of their occupation, and 
	they naturally gained great experience in business. 
		 
		
		Consequently their 
	advice and assistance were often asked for in the ordinary affairs of life. 
	They would be called in to attest the conclusion of contracts, and would 
	take charge of sums of money, the title to which was disputed, and of 
	important documents. Business of this kind was generally in the hands of 
	resident aliens." (16)
	
	
	The above quotation from the great German scholar, Oskar Seffert, leaves 
	those of us who understand the origins and meaning of today's banking, 
	little doubt, as previously pointed out, that within the limits of clay 
	tablet and stylus, every fraudulent practice known to banking would have 
	been practiced. 
	
	 
	
	Also the commonly accepted idea that instruments used in 
	foreign trade, such as Letters of Credit, Bills of Exchange, etc. were a 
	discovery of the 12th Century A.D., is further clearly proved erroneous by 
	the sentence: 
	
		
		"Strangers too found that the banks offered them such 
	facilities that they were glad to make considerable use of them." (17)
	
	
	Therefore behind the monetary reforms of King Pheidon of Argos we must see 
	not the wonder of what so many so-called scholars would call the arrival of 
	the "Invention" of coinage in Greece, but the comings and goings of strange 
	aliens with letters from mysterious "Important" men who dwelt in Tyre, or 
	Sidon, or Sardis, or who dwelt in Babylonia itself; everything to be in the 
	name of "progress", everything to be joy and light!... 
	
	 
	
	The only thing our 
	poor peasant king had to ask himself was... 
	
		
		"Joy and light for whom... Us or 
	these panders, pornographers, and luxury pedlars who now flock to our 
	shores?"
	
	
	Very soon, no doubt, the answer became apparent. 
	
	 
	
	Behind the Aramaic speaking 
	banker came the slave trader, and it was not long before the poor people 
	found that the king's law was no longer for them, and was but a measure 
	behind which these glib and double talking "Bankers" operated... 
	
		
		"We must 
	protect the people's savings!" 
	
	
	...no doubt was their cry, yesterday, as in 
	today.
	
	Such silver coinage as was produced at Aegina or Argos would have been no 
	more than a few seen symbols, the apex of an inverted pyramid of unseen or 
	abstract symbols of which only the money master really understood the 
	meaning and purpose, and only he knew how to manipulate. 
	
	 
	
	Through 
	manipulation of these "Credits" in relation to the silver that people now 
	thought was their money, King Pheidon himself could have been tricked into 
	believing himself a slave because he could not repay his so-called "debt". 
	
	
	 
	
	However the banker needed the king as such, for a while yet no doubt.
	
	In the meantime peasantry and lesser nobility were drawn into this trap of 
	irredeemable debt, and, as the king's law had to be upheld, they and their 
	families would be sold into that cruel slave system that was growing up all 
	over the Mediterranean world and through which, money economy, now grown 
	into a very monster, could find docile labour for the dreary grind of the 
	new methods of semi-mass production in manufacture, such as it had brought 
	into being, and against which the reforms of Solon as described in the 
	previous chapter, were directed.
	
	History should not be misled by the Greek names of those significant figures 
	and families concerned with money and money power at that time, whether in 
	Lydia or in Greece... 
	
	 
	
	Oskar Seffert states quite clearly that the bankers or 
	trapezitae were resident aliens. (18) Controlling the undercurrents of city 
	life as undoubtedly they would have so done, in those days it would have 
	been no more difficult than it is in these days to secure the services of a 
	front man to promote their interests, and secure them citizenship if 
	necessary. 
	
	 
	
	Just as aliens who seek trade and power amongst whatever people 
	they maybe, so often change their names to suit the circumstances while 
	retaining allegiance to that group into which they were born, so it was in 
	that day, nearly three thousand years ago. In the early days of the Greek 
	cities, citizenship was easy to obtain and persons with pretence at power, 
	influence and money, in a society where worship of money had replaced 
	worship of the gods, in truth, would have no great difficulty in that 
	direction.
	
	Out of the weakening of what was left of the true power of kingly rule at 
	Athens, such as descended from Mycenaean Greece, and consequent growth of 
	"Aristocratic" democracy, doubtless deriving from concession to 
	international money power for its assistance against the Dorian previous to 
	1100 B.C., and before whom it appears the city of Athens never fell, came 
	the replacement of the title Wanax indicating god-king reigning in earthly 
	splendor, for that of Archon-Basileus of lesser degree. (19) 
	
	 
	
	Out of the 
	further weakening of such aristocracy of the Greeks as later existed, 
	whether Achaean, Ionian, or Dorian, and the soul destruction sown amongst 
	them as consequence of their betrayal into slavery and abuse of their 
	followers who had so trusted them and looked to them for guidance, derived 
	those conditions out of which the so-called tyrant rose to power. 
	
	 
	
	Out of the 
	involvement of the natural leaders of the people (20) with things ignoble 
	and inimical to their own kind, such as trade and "Money-making", and with 
	strange luxuries and vices, rose those men, often traitors to their own 
	class, who fronted for the conspiratorial money power of the age... 
	
	 
	
	Such 
	men steered the restless aspirations of the wage slaves of the cities; those 
	dispossessed masses so easily stirred to active resentment against their 
	former leaders deriving from the ancient nobility; and who, of course, had 
	no more understanding than themselves of that force by which they were both 
	being manipulated...
	
	 
	
	 
	
	References
	
		
		1. "But I perhaps, owing to the number of advocates may be classed in the 
	common body; the battle of Cannae has made you a sufficiently respectable 
	accuser. We have seen many men slain, not at Trasimene but at Servilius. Who 
	was not wounded there with Phrygian steel ?..." Cicero: Orationes, "Pro S. 
	Roscius" (Vol. I, P. 65; C.D. Yonge; London, 1883.).
2. Kenneth Pearson: The Dorak Affair, London, 1967.
		
3. Strabo, XIII, iv, 5. (Del Mar: History of the Precious Metals, P. 51.)
		
4. Christopher Dawson: Age of the Gods, P. 295.
5. James H. Breasted: History of Egypt, P. 281.
		
6. Ibid. P. 559.
7. Christiane Desroches-Noblecourt: Tutankhamen, P. 33. New York, 1963.
		
8. Encyclopaedia of World History, P. 37, Boston, 1948.
9. The fact that after the destruction of Croesus by Cyrus, 547 B.C., Sardis 
	remained the principal mint for the whole Persian Empire, and for which it 
	turned out Sigloi as to the Babylonian standard, gives further strength to 
	the idea.
10. Frederick William Madden, M.R.A.S.: Coins of the Jews, P.29; London; 
	1881.
11. Charles Seltsman: Greek Coins, pp. 34-35.
12. Frederick William Madden, M.R.A.S.: Coins of the Jews, P. 6. (footnote).
		
13. Cambridge Ancient History, P. 392, Vol. 1.
14. According to the table on P. 35, "Greek Coins" by C. Seltsman, the 
	Aeginetan drachma was established without any doubt at its given standard, 
	because in the time of Pheidon, the ratio of silver to iron was 400:1. He 
	clearly had been advised to establish the new silver drachmas and obolos so 
	that they would have the same purchasing power as the now discarded iron 
	obolos and "Drax"...... according to their valuation in an International 
	market where money was metal by weight.
15. Obviously for discounting Bills of Exchange, raising money against Bills 
	of Lading, Warehouse Receipts, and the realization into that which 
	circulated as money of the promissory note issued as between friends or 
	otherwise.
16. Oskar Seffert: Dictionary of Classical Antiquities, P. 91.
		
17. Visiting Merchants and Ships' Captains.
18. Oskar Seffert: Dictionary of Classical Antiquities, P. 91.
		
19. Jacquetta Hawkes: Dawn of the Gods, P. 262; New York; 1968.
		
20. Referring to the Hellenic terminology in connection with banking 
	transactions and professions etc. Professor Heichelheim of vast scholarship 
	recorded "That the banking transactions of the individual bankers, money 
	lenders, and debtors influenced the whole economic life and even, to a 
	certain degree, the intellectual development in Attica, the territories of 
	the Delian League and in many other polis territories of our period, since 
	the fifth, if not occasionally sixth centuries B.C. will be obvious from the 
	above list which has a surprising number of specializations..." Fritz 
	Heichelheim: An Ancient Economic History, Vol. II, pp. 196-197; Leyden; 
	1958-1970.
	
	
	
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