by Philip Coppens
from
PhilipCoppens Website
The drive to uncover “the
truth” about the UFO phenomenon is often believed to be
an “us versus them” situation: the people versus the
evil government. But in the 1990s, it became clear that
this was not the case. Instead, it became apparent that
it were “CIA assets” that were briefing that the CIA had
secrets. A rather incestuous relationship… |
One leading and influential advocate of the Extraterrestrial
Hypothesis and the Contact Scenario was Dr.
Bruce Maccabee, a former
US Navy physicist. Maccabee became prominent in the UFO field in the
mid 1970s, and was a founding member of the Fund for UFO Research (FUFOR),
whose primary purpose was to give grants to UFO researchers to
further “the cause”: the study and disclosure of “the truth” about
UFOs – and their “obvious” alien, extra-terrestrial nature.
FUFOR has since played a major role in the dissemination of key
aspects of the Contact Scenario. For example, it gave Stanton
Friedman a grant of $16,000 to authenticate
the MJ-12 documents.
When these false documents were released in 1987, Maccabee was their
greatest supporter.
Bill Clinton and Al
Gore (left)
Both by his position and his reputation,
Maccabee was an influential figure in UFO research, and his support
for several sensational - but controversial - cases has led to their
general acceptance by other researchers who, in turn, have promoted
them to the public. As such, the UFO myth became firmly embedded
within society.
Furthermore, his rise to prominence was due to his claim that he had
evidence that the CIA were withholding thousands of files relating
to UFOs – a claim that has greatly encouraged the belief in a
cover-up and, by extension, that there is something to be covered
up.
But while supporting many of the more sensational UFO cases,
Maccabee has also used his influence to down-play evidence that
supports a more conventional explanation of the UFO phenomenon. For
example, when the declassified CIA documents relating to the use of
UFOs as a cover for spy plane sightings were released in 1997, he
argued vociferously – and successfully – that these were of no
significance.
Most importantly, Maccabee worked closely with William Moore, for
example on investigating an alleged UFO landing near Kirtland AFB in
1980 – using information supplied by Sergeant
Richard Doty – the
government’s UFO disinformation agent par excellence. Moore later
admitted he had spread disinformation on behalf of the government,
promoting the UFO myth.
Maccabee might just be gullible – not uncommon amongst UFO
researchers – but in 1993, fellow UFO researchers discovered that
Maccabee maintained close links with the CIA. When challenged, he
admitted that, since 1979 (i.e. for 14 years), he had indeed
regularly briefed the CIA at their Langley, Virginia headquarters on
developments in the UFO field, but denied that his involvement went
any deeper than that. Many in the UFO community once again accepted
his word for it – the alternative was probably too hard to ponder.
But if it was all innocent, why had Maccabee failed to explain why
he kept these briefings secret for 14 years?
It is ironic that a leading member of an organization that is
pledged to challenge official secrecy about UFOs – and one of the
main proponents of the idea that the CIA are withholding thousands
of documents on the subject – should have such a long-standing,
secret relationship with that very agency. In the end, Maccabee’s
reassurances failed to convince some, including his close friend and
fellow FUFOR board member, Richard Hall.
The drive that the government – and specifically the CIA – is
involved in an “alien cover-up” was paramount throughout the 1990s,
popularized by the existence of “The X Files”, which in the eyes of
the UFO community seemed to “validate” them. John Podesta, working
in Clinton’s government, was apparently such a fan of the series
that after an episode of the series, he came to work wondering what
aspects of the show were based on fact and which government agent
that reported into the White House was lying to the President.
Bruce Maccabbee
(left) and Stanton Friedman
The role of the CIA within the UFO
enigma is bizarre at best. It has often dangled carrots in front of
people, and the agency is not alone. In 1989, former NASA scientist
Robert Oeschler claimed that he had been invited by top USAF
officials to participate in an exercise to finally reveal the
existence of extraterrestrials to the public. He was shown
photographs, including one of a “typical grey alien”, and was taken
to a “top-secret tracking station” off the Florida Coast where he
was allowed to see what was described as UFOs being monitored during
their flights over US and surrounding airspace. Oeschler publicized
this information, although the promised official revelations did not
materialize.
Raising hopes of imminent revelations, yet nothing materializing is
probably the best gimmick in these exercises, whereby each
non-revelation is seen as further proof that there is a cover-up in
place and that the forces of evil have once again stopped full
disclosure.
And what to make of Oeschler’s taped conversations with Admiral
Robert Inman, former head of the NSA and deputy director of the
CIA,
in which Inman admitted that the US government had recovered crashed
UFOs? Inman warned Oeschler that the conversations were secret
because of national security considerations, and that the tapes
could not be used without official approval. Yet Oeschler was
allowed to broadcast them – supposedly revealing the greatest
military secret in existence – on television with complete impunity.
It seems that Oeschler was honestly reporting what he had seen and
been told – yet all his information came from military and
intelligence sources. Is it likely that the likes of Inman would
have been truthful in such allegations? And if so, why were they
allowed to get away with it? It may also be significant that
Oeschler’s greatest supporter and advocate was Bruce Maccabee.
Dr Maccabee’s most controversial endorsement was of the Gulf Breeze
sightings and their primary witness, Ed Walters. In the late 1980s,
Walters claimed to have taken photographs of UFOs over the Florida
coast. Maccabee proclaimed the photographs genuine, an opinion that
was hotly disputed by professional photo analysts. Even when an
accomplice of Walters confessed to having faked them, Maccabee
refused to admit that the photographs were fabricated.
Maccabee and the supporters of the Gulf Breeze sightings argued that
shortly after Walter’s initial claims, other people began to report
seeing anomalous lights in the sky over the Gulf Breeze area –
suggesting the Gulf Breeze sightings were genuine, irrelevant of
faked photographs. But curiously, the phenomena only manifested at
certain, regular times, specifically when civilians had gathered to
see them. Significantly, Gulf Breeze is surrounded by military
installations, one of which is specifically charged with
psychological warfare experiments.
In 1994, a group of very senior power brokers in the USA tried to
promote the Contact Scenario to leading politicians – including the
President Clinton himself. Though some presidents before him, like
Jimmy Carter, had been interested in UFOs after apparently seeing
one from an airplane, Clinton was apparently a fan of
science-fiction and genuinely interested in UFOs.
Laurance Rockefeller
(left), going for a walk with Dick Cheney
The group of influential and rich people
that tried to put UFOs on the political agenda was presided over by
their most senior figure: Laurence Rockefeller, whose wealth and
influence gave him access to the top level of American – and
international – society. As the grandson of
John D. Rockefeller, the
founder of the dynasty, and brother of John D. III, Nelson,
Winthrop, and David Rockefeller, he was at the centre of American
politics. It was therefore no problem for Rockefeller to brief
President Clinton on UFOs while the president was staying at
Rockefeller’s Wyoming Ranch in August 1995.
The Rockefeller group’s aim was to convince world leaders of the
reality of the Contact Scenario, and to persuade them to make a
public announcement to this effect. As the evidence suggests, it
came very close to such an announcement.
As part of the UFO temptation of the President, an informal
discussion was held in September 1993 at Rockefeller’s ranch in
Wyoming. Those attending included:
-
Richard Farley
-
Bob Teets
-
Henry
Diamond
-
Dr. Scott Jones
-
Dr. John Mack
-
Dr. Bruce Maccabee
-
Dr. Leo
Sprinkle
-
Linda Moulton Howe
-
Dr.
Steven Greer
-
Marie Galbraith
-
Keith Thompson
Each of these participants were leading UFO
researchers or promising new lights.
Dr. Jill Tartar, then director of SETI, was also invited to the
meeting, but declined, stating some of the attendees were “not
scientific”. A similar response was received from Carl Sagan, citing
a scheduling conflict. He later argued that anything he had to say
on the subject had been said in his recent book, “The Demon-Haunted
World”.
A key though relatively unknown attendant was Scott Jones, then
President of an organization called the “Human Potential
Foundation”, to which Rockefeller donated no less than $700,000 for
research into the social effects of the public revelation of alien
contact, and into the most effective methods for lobbying Congress.
The Foundation was established by Jones’s employer, veteran Senator
Claiborne Pell, one-time head of Congress’s Foreign Relations
Committee, and a great influence on Vice President Al Gore, who was
equally said to be interested in UFOs and “strange phenomena”.
In 1993, Rockefeller and Jones met with Jack Gibbons, Clinton’s
chief science advisor, using a briefing paper “Matrix of UFO
Beliefs” as the backbone of their presentation.
That document had been written by investigative journalist Richard
Farley. When asked about its general line of reasoning, Farley
stated that,
“the paper reflects my assumption that, for at least
some publicly perceived ‘UFOs’, various of our government’s branches
would be expected to know very well what may have been witnessed.”
In short, Farley suggested that UFOs were often a label stuck by
government branches on top secret flights, experiments, etc. Farley
did not seem to argue for the extra-terrestrial nature of the
phenomenon.
This, of course, was not conform to Contact Scenario that most of
the Rockefeller group subscribed to, so it was no surprise to see
that in 1994, Farley resigned, stating “I ultimately disagreed on
the timing and dynamics of ‘what to push and when.’” Farley
underlined that he had a serious concern that UFOs were being used
as “camouflage for exotic aerospace and directed energy
technologies.” Though Farley had left, Jones too warned about UFOs
being used to cloak other highly classified projects. And though he
left, it seems that Farley then tried to brief the Clinton
administration of his individual beliefs too.
The same happened to
Jacques Vallee, considered to be a leading and
most esteemed UFO researcher. Vallee had been offered a position
helping with the Disclosure Initiative, but he declined, only to
write directly to Gibbons to present his own UFO views, which
differed from those ideas Rockefeller was presenting. Vallee offered
to meet with Gibbons either in San Francisco or Washington or at
Gibbons convenience.
Despite Vallee’s high profile in the UFO
community, Gibbons turned Vallee down cold. It is remarkable that
Gibbons was interested in talking to Rockefeller about the Contact
Scenario but not with Vallee, who is not a proponent of “crashed
saucers” stories – and it seems Gibbons was not interested in
hearing such “other possibilities”.
C.B. Scott Jones
After an initial meeting, a second
briefing paper, aimed towards the Central Intelligence Agency, was
prepared by none other than Bruce Maccabee. And with the CIA, we
come to the crux of Rockefeller’s – and the Clinton’s – interest:
Roswell. The first and most important test case where
declassification had to apply, according to Rockefeller, was the
Roswell UFO incident. By 1994, a whole series of books had been
written on the infamous story, starting in the late 1970s, when the
story had been resurrected from oblivion by William Moore,
apparently at a time when he was not yet a willing disinformation
agent.
Rockefeller repeatedly argued along the lines that,
“There is a
belief in many quarters that the government has long held classified
information regarding UFOs which has not been released and that the
failure to do so has brought about unnecessary suspicion and
distrust. Many believe that the release of such information, if it
exists, on a basis consistent with national security considerations,
would be a significant gesture which would increase confidence in
government.”
That was indeed a noble sentiment and throughout the
entire initiative, there is no evidence to suggest that Rockefeller
was insincere; he seems to have been convinced the government was
covering up ET and he tried to uncover the truth.
Rockefeller and Greer’s pressure was able to convince Director of
Central Intelligence Woolsey to request full disclosure on the
Roswell crash. The outcome was a review of the UFO material, in
which the emphasis shifted from the CIA to the Air Force. The
conclusion of the report was that the Air Force had lied about more
than half of its public statements regarding UFOs from the 1950s
onwards. Why? To cover for covert CIA operations.
The report argued that more than half of the UFO sightings during
the 1950s and 1960s were actually not UFOs, but misidentified secret
spy planes such as the U-2 and SR-71. The damaging part to the Air
Force was the report’s author, Richard Haines’ allegation that the
Air Force
Project Blue Book, set up to investigate UFO reports,
actually consulted with the CIA U-2 staff personnel in Washington,
and helped to co-ordinate dismissive explanations for the public to
cover for the CIA aerial spy operations. In short, the report
concluded that the public had been lied to, for decades, by both the
Air Force and the CIA, and that UFOs were nothing but a smokescreen.
The Contact Scenario had been a public illusion, painted on top of
the official lies that masked something else – something more
mundane.
Rockefeller largely felt – and so did most of the UFO community with
him – that despite claims that this was the truth, these series of
reports were more disinformation. The reports were seen as evidence
of how powerful the true powerbrokers of the alien cover-up really
were.
Rockefeller continued and prepared a special briefing paper for
select politicians, heads of state, and CEOs. In this, he engaged
the help of Marie “Bootsie” Galbraith, wife of investment banker Evan Galbraith and one-time US ambassador to France. Galbraith
wanted to compile a report containing the most reliable evidence for
the paranormal nature of UFOs. Though the final 169-page document
was less than impressive in scope and was largely a survey of a
“best of the year 19XX UFO sightings and incidents”, the effort was
remarkable as she managed to unite under the temporary banner of the
UFO Research Coalition:
CUFOS (Center for UFO Studies),
FUFOR (Fund
for UFO Research) and
MUFON (Mutual UFO Network), the three
leading
UFO organizations which were seldom willing to co-operate.
Among the cases selected for inclusion in this report were the
Belgian wave and the Rendlesham Forest Incident – two cases in which
there is a suspicious degree of military and intelligence
involvement – and two cases which could have been part of a
psychological warfare exercise.
When the Report was finished, Rockefeller did not request many
copies for himself. The copies he did request went to General Colin
Powell, then former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs and later
Secretary
of State, former Secretary of State for President Nixon Henry
Kissinger, evangelist Billy Graham, and founder of the Earth Council
and Secretary General of the landmark 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de
Janeiro
Maurice F. Strong. It reveals the political clout
Rockefeller’s initiative had and the extent of his desire to
convince the world of the Contact Scenario.
James Woolsey
As mentioned, Rockefeller was not the
only person trying to interest president Clinton. On December 13,
1993,
Steven Greer met with the “principal advisor to the President
for Intelligence matters related to national security,” DCI James
Woolsey. It was the first of many UFO briefings that Greer would do
for members of the Clinton administration. Though Greer later
claimed this was a three hour briefing which was well received by
Woolsey, the director of Central Intelligence later stated that the
“briefing” was actually a conversation over dinner, in which Greer
was one of the guests. Another target of Greer was Bruce Lindsay,
one of Clinton’s senior councilors in the White House and one of his
closest friends and Al Gore and his staff.
Though at first firmly in Rockefeller’s camp, it seems that soon,
Greer decided not play in the team, but make the briefings a
personal ambition. An exact reason for the split has never been
communicated, but it is believed that the disagreement between Greer
and the Rockefeller group was about Greer’s contention that most if
not all abductions were the result of US covert black operation
paramilitary units simulating “alien abductions” through
“reverse-engineered ET technologies.” This was a spin-off of the
Contact Scenario, but perhaps one step the Rockefeller group did not
want to reach out for.
Greer has since become known as one of the key collectors of “UFO
whistleblowers” and since 1993, he hoped to gain amnesty for
witnesses involved in classified UFO activities, so they could tell
their stories without fear of reprisal. Why such amnesty was
specifically required is a good question, for none of these alleged
whistleblowers have never been prosecuted, let alone arrested. After
Rockefeller’s attempts to achieve full disclosure ceased (and the
Clinton administration became embroiled in the Monica Lewinsky
scandal ), Greer became the only person collating stories of often
anonymous “whistleblowers” claiming the Contact Scenario was true.
Greer’s exposure to “whistleblowers” has led him to one conclusion:
that the President and his advisors had not been honestly briefed on
the UFO subject. According to Greer, any briefing that might have
occurred, would have been an exercise in disinformation. His “deep
throat” informants had all stated that neither the DCI nor the
President were aware of what was truly going on. And hence, Greer
saw Clinton as a fellow victim.
It seems Rockefeller and Co. were able to convince the president of
their conclusion. For example, the President was convinced of
Rockefeller’s claim that the 1994 official Roswell report was a
smokescreen and that he was being kept out of the loop on matters
related to UFOs. His lack of faith was most evident during a
November 1995 speech in Belfast, Northern Ireland, when he read a
letter from a thirteen-year-old Belfast boy named Ryan dealing with
Roswell.
“I got a letter from 13-year-old
Ryan from Belfast. Now, Ryan, if you’re out in the crowd
tonight, here’s the answer to your question. No, as far as I
know, an alien spacecraft did not crash in Roswell, New Mexico,
in 1947. (Laughter.) And, Ryan, if the United States Air Force
did recover alien bodies, they didn’t tell me about it, either,
and I want to know.” (Applause.)
Though this response may seem ad hoc and
personal, we should note that all speeches by the president are
carefully prepared – however much they may appear to be unrehearsed.
Rockefeller clearly had the White House talking about UFOs. The
biggest players, Clinton, Gore and Woolsey, were convinced that
sections of the government were withholding key information from
them. Roswell seems to have acted as a catalyst throughout most of
these discussions and beliefs.
As mentioned, Rockefeller’s role was of a genuinely interested
party. But evidence suggests he too was being played, and that the
trail led – via Maccabee and others – back to the CIA. In short, the
puppet masters were unknown operatives within the Intelligence
Community, trying to convince the president they had items in their
possession that the president did not know about. The obvious
question would be: why play such games? Even if such information was
in their possession, why not simply reveal this material – if that
is truly what they wanted to do?
The veil of confusion is slightly lifted with the help of Richard
Farley. After a face-to-face meeting between Scott Jones and
presidential science advisor Gibbons, Farley discovered a transcript
of a phone interview between
Scott Jones and Dr. Ronald Pandolfi at
the CIA, “discussing Pandolfi’s (and the CIA’s) role in supporting
Gibbons’ response to the Rockefeller ‘UFO’ Initiative". Farley wrote
in his April 28, 1995 letter to Gibbons that Scott Jones’ former
executive assistant told him “Jones routinely ‘bugged’ Pandolfi’s
calls.” Farley further stated that the attached transcript was given
to him by Jones “for purposes which were not clear to me then, nor
presently; I sent it to the FBI and CIA months ago.”
According to the transcript of the April 15 telephone call, Pandolfi
confirmed he had been contacted by the White House. He told Jones:
“We [the CIA] had been tasked a
couple of days before the proposed visit of Laurance Rockefeller
with the White House Science Advisor, to provide a briefing
update to him – and we didn’t do that. Instead we tasked our
friend Dr. Maccabee to do it. He did an excellent job… Gibbons
said that he had gotten a one page input from Rockefeller
indicating what the subject was going to be, and he didn’t have
any background on it, claimed that he had never heard of MJ-12,
or things like that, and so he contacted our representative over
there and asked whether we could provide some support.”
“Instead we tasked our friend Dr.
Maccabee to do it.”
Maccabee had been hanging around the CIA
for a very long time. In fact, Ron Pandolfi’s predecessor at the
CIA, Christopher C. “Kit” Green, had spoken to Bruce Maccabee in
1979. Kit had apparently stated that the CIA files might contain as
many as 15,000 UFO-related files, of which two or three thousand
were really interesting. Back in the 1980s, UFO researcher Bill
Moore had also described Kit Green as “a person close to the
President of the United States, capable of checking on information
to determine its reliability.” It is remarkable that of all UFO
researchers, Maccabee and Moore seemed to be prominent visitors of
the CIA “Weird Desk”, as the likes of Green and Pandolfi were known.
In this scenario, few possible explanations make sense. Either the
Weird Desk has such documents in their possession, but then the
question is why full disclosure did not come about – noting that
various channels and opportunities existed in the past decades to
get the “truth” about the Contact Scenario out. The other scenario
is that someone has been playing games – psychological warfare.
This, and other "UFO incidents", did not evolve around whether or
not UFOs were alien spacecraft, or, whether or not, ET crashed in
Roswell and the Air Force put his tiny, grey body on ice. The UFO
psychological warfare was a display by a small group of people, who
pretended to have a big secret; a big secret they pretended to have
the power to shield from the public as a whole, and the President
and his entourage in specific. It was a mechanism whereby even the
President was led to believe there were men somewhere in his
government whom he had to fear tremendously.
The latter was true - but not because
they were in possession of alien beings. In truth, it was - and is -
nothing more than an exercise in power, in which a myth was created,
then promoted, then apparently covered-up, even though each cover-up
was a confirmation of the existence of the myth, so that we would
believe. In truth, it was an empty secret...
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