by George Friedman
January 28,
2020
from
GeopoliticalFutures Website
Spanish version
George Friedman is an internationally recognized
geopolitical forecaster and strategist on international
affairs and the founder and chairman of Geopolitical
Futures.
Dr.
Friedman has briefed numerous military and government
organizations in the United States and overseas and
appears regularly as an expert on international affairs,
foreign policy and intelligence in major media.
For
almost 20 years before resigning in May 2015,
Dr.
Friedman was CEO and then chairman of Stratfor, a
company he founded in 1996. Friedman received his
bachelor's degree from the City College of the City
University of New York and holds a doctorate in
government from Cornell University. |
At the end of this week,
the United Kingdom, the second-largest economy in Europe, will
exit
the European Union.
Meanwhile,
-
Poland is under
intense attack by the bloc for violating EU regulations by
attempting to limit the independence of Polish judges
-
Hungary is also
under attack for allegedly violating the rule of law
-
One of the major
parties in Italy has toyed with the idea of introducing a
parallel currency that would allow the country to manage
internal debt without regard for EU regulations and
wishes...
The founding principle of
the EU was the unification of hitherto warring nations into a
single bloc, built around common economic and political principles
and a common European identity.
The assumption was that
given Europe's history, putting aside differences was a self-evident
need for all European countries.
But as we see in the
case of Italy, it is not clear that there is a common European
economic interest.
Given the tensions
with Poland and Hungary, it's also unclear if there is a common
political interest.
And the U.K.'s
decision to leave also raises questions over whether these
common interests persist and whether national identity can be
subsumed under a European identity.
The tensions within the
EU do not reflect marginal disagreements:
they represent
fundamental questions over whether national interests and
identities can be reconciled with poorly defined European
interests...l
The EU, therefore, is moving toward
an existential crisis.
It may survive, but only
as a coalition of nations representing a fraction of Europe.
Self-Determination or Nothing
The fundamental issue is national identity and
sovereignty.
The U.K., Italy,
Poland and Hungary are all European nations, but they have
different histories and therefore different sensibilities.
What it means to be
Italian is not the same as what it means to be British.
They in turn have a
different sense of self from the Germans or Romanians.
The question, therefore,
is:
What is this European
sensibility?
The common assumption is
that it is liberal democracy.
The problem is that there
are many types of liberal democracy and, more to the point, the
fundamental principle behind liberal democracy is national
self-determination - the idea that the nation must select the
government and that the government is answerable to no one other
than the nation.
If you sever the idea of
national self-determination from liberal democracy, you undercut
liberal democracy's fundamental principle and, with it, the European
identity.
Liberal democracy is
national self-determination or it is nothing...
The governments in the
U.K., Italy, Poland and Hungary all have been elected.
Some politicians who were
defeated in elections have made the claim that these elections were
the result of fraud or illegitimate manipulation of public opinion,
as was the case with the Brexit vote.
But the fact is that
those of us who know these countries know that the views the
governments hold are not alien to the countries.
-
Poland and
Hungary have their own understanding of what state power
should look like
-
Italy has a long
history of complex and fragmented government needing to
control its own economy
-
The United
Kingdom's constituent parts have national identities that
are very different from those of other countries.
Europe's nations are all
different, and while history made each adopt the garb of liberal
values beyond just national self-determination, they never gave up
their own identities because they could not.
They are what history
made them, and while German or Soviet occupation shaped them, a few
decades of horror - and the adoption of the idea that national
self-determination must be determined through elections - was not
enough to cause them to abandon who they were.
France was France before
it held its first election.
In other words,
national identity may
exist prior to and outside of liberal democracy for some
countries.
This is not the case for
the United States:
its very identity
from its founding was liberal democratic.
German identity, however,
has varied dramatically over the decades, and Germans were still
German in spite of the variations. Hitler represented the
national will well after he abandoned elections.
This takes us to extreme places we need not go, but it also points
out that national identity and national self-determination can be
expressed in ways that are faithful to the national will but violate
the liberal democratic methodology in nations with ancient
and complex foundations.
The Illusion
of European Identity
If the idea of national identity is so complex, then how can we
define the European identity?
The European identity
that the
Maastricht treaty embodied was a
snapshot of a unique moment in European history in which the
Anglo-American occupation of Western Europe and the Soviet
occupation of Eastern Europe were ending.
The
liberal democracy that was
imposed on Germany's destroyed cities seemed to be part of
German identity, history notwithstanding.
The Poles and
Hungarians yearned to be Europeans, and the liberal democracy
that emerged from World War II was their template, as it was for
Italy.
But I would argue that
that European identity was an illusion to which Europe
clung, fearing that the only alternative was a return to its own
bloody past.
After the Berlin Wall
came down, there finally appeared to be one Europe, and all would be
gathered into it.
The problem, as I have
said, is that,
the histories of
Italy, Germany, the U.K., Poland and Hungary were all wildly
different...
At that moment, they all
yearned for the same thing, but as the moment passed, each country
recollected what it was, and they are now - without the shame it
would have brought in 1991 - resurrecting it.
The European invention of
technocratic liberalism was alien to them, and the right of national
self-determination was both an empirical reality and a moral
principle.
And so they begin to go their own way, with EU officials hurling
threats and condemnation over frustration that the EU bureaucracy is
not only no longer authoritative but also no longer frightening.
The British economy
grew in January, an indication that the catastrophe Brussels had
wished for the U.K. may not visit London, or Italy, if it should
decide to go its own way with its currency.
And certainly,
neither Poland nor Hungary, having survived Stalin and Hitler,
is likely to be cowed into submission by increasingly small EU
subsidies.
The weakening of the EU
has undercut its ability to pay for conformity.
Evolution of the European Union
(click
to enlarge)
Europe once had a magnificent idea, a free trade zone called the
European Economic Community whose main focus was trade,
not inventing identities...
It was replaced by the
European Union, but the EU can now look to another example, the
North American trade zone,
which has a slightly larger gross domestic product than the EU.
The two are fundamentally
different:
-
the North
American bloc does not claim to represent a North American
identity
-
its members
sometimes dislike each other intensely
-
it does not have
a secretariat to dictate how they should live
But then, the North
Americans did not live through what the Europeans lived through and
they are not trying to suppress who they were and, of course, still
are...
|