by Fyodor Lukyanov
February 23, 2024
from
RT Website
Fyodor Lukyanov
is one of the most prominent
Russian experts in the field of international relations
and foreign policy. He has worked in journalism since
1990 and is the author of numerous publications on
modern international relations and Russian foreign
policy.
Since 2002, he has been the editor-in-chief of Russia in
Global Affairs - a magazine conceived as a platform for
dialogue and debate among foreign and Russian experts
and policymakers.
In 2012, he was elected Chairman of the Presidium of the
Council on Foreign and Defense Policy of Russia, one of
the oldest Russian NGOs. Since 2015, he has been the
Director for Scientific Work of the Foundation for
Development and Support of the Valdai International
Discussion Club.
He works as a research professor at the Faculty of World
Economy and Global Politics at the National Research
University Higher School of Economics. |
© Getty Images
A
second term for the Republican
would
herald the beginning of a real change
in the
international positioning of the US...
Both presumed candidates in this year's US presidential election
have obvious vulnerabilities and are registering unfavorable
ratings.
In the case of
Joe Biden, the reason
behind the main criticism is clear - increasingly obvious
senility and cognitive weakness.
Meanwhile,
Donald Trump will be
attacked conceptually - as a threat to democracy and to
America's national interests.
As was the case eight years ago, one of the
recurring arguments is that Trump admires dictators, dreams of
one-man rule and despises American allies,
which is why he wants to revise Washington's
entire foreign policy strategy...
The traditional theme of Russian interference on
Trump's side has not yet emerged, but is likely to do so in one form
or another.
In any case, the argument that his arrival
back in the White House would be a victory for the Kremlin is
commonplace.
We don't necessarily share that view, but there
is an expectation that a possible second Trump presidency will
improve Russia's position.
A similar assumption was made in 2016-2017, on the eve of and
immediately after his first appearance in the White House.
Nevertheless, it can be said that relations
actually deteriorated sharply; by the way, Trump himself didn't tire
of repeating that no one was tougher with Moscow than he was.
In terms of the number of sanctions and restrictions, this period
even set a record, although now, with Biden in the hot-seat, it
seems to have been only a dry run for the real bacchanalia.
So, what can we expect from Trump if he is successful in November?
In terms of practical approaches and life
experience, the reality is that Trump is a businessman and an
entrepreneur.
Indeed, an individual entrepreneur at that.
He has run a family business all his life,
where he makes all the decisions and expects his employees to
obey him unconditionally.
At the center of his universe has been only
himself.
But now he's made room for America too, which
he must make great in order to go down in history as the
greatest of all presidents.
Other states, including Russia, are of little
interest to Trump.
In his mind, they are just tools to help achieve
his main goal.
The businesslike mentality of the former president is a valuable
quality. No matter how tough a professional businessman may be, his
job is not to destroy but to multiply, otherwise the business itself
loses its meaning.
Trump was the first US president in a long time
(probably since Jimmy Carter) not to launch a single
new military campaign...
His gritty foreign policy rhetoric, with its
blistering attacks on his adversaries, is always accompanied by
careful backtracking. He is cautious and reluctant to intervene in
situations fraught with incomprehensible complications.
The effectiveness of such tactics in the international arena is
generally questionable.
But where Trump sees a primary interest, it
works, as demonstrated in relations
with China and
European NATO members.
In both cases, the issue was money - the
terms of access to the US market and the amounts paid for
defense.
Trump has managed to move on both fronts.
Complex issues with a strategic component and geopolitical
calculations cannot be resolved at the financial level alone, as
Trump has also made clear with his approach to North Korea and, to
some extent, Russia.
But, contrary to his image, he is cautious on
both, guided by the principle of "do no harm."
The isolationism of which Trump is accused is expressed in his
indifference to what happens in other countries, however they are
organized.
It calls into question the entire
political-ideological construct of modern America, which is based on
the expansion of values in order to bring other states into line
with the US-led order.
This approach has its roots far back in the history of the "Sermon
on the Mount."
But never before has it become an unquestioned
imperative, backed by the full power of the United States, as it has
in the global age.
Trump's attempts to challenge this axiom are the
main reason for the fierce attacks on his foreign-policy instincts.
Those who believe that Moscow favors Trump are not entirely wrong,
but the reason is not because the challenger has a pro-Russian bias.
Because he doesn't.
If the likely Republican candidate ultimately wins there are two
possible scenarios.
The first is a desperate fight in
Washington, where a lot of energy will be spent on inter- and
intra-party struggles. This is to Russia's advantage, because
the enemy's attention will be diverted.
The second is that Trump's reappearance, despite all the
extremely unfavorable circumstances, means the beginning of a
real change in America's international positioning - towards a
narrower agenda and a more pragmatic choice of priorities,
opening up new opportunities for the rest of the world.
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