PART TWO

THE REICH CONSOLIDATES
 

 

THE RATLINES

CONSIDERING THE VAST ECONOMIC RESOURCES AT THEIR DISPOSAL—especially if they held dark secrets concerning advanced technology such as tactical nukes, flying saucers, or a device for manipulating energy—it is now certain that the surviving Nazi leadership wielded enough power to misdirect investigations and silence foreign governments and news organizations.

There remain long-standing controversies over the proclaimed deaths of prominent Nazis, including:

According to various unsubstantiated reports, Mengele suffered a stroke while swimming, and drowned in Brazil in 1979 after hiding there, as well as in Argentina and Paraguay, for decades.

 

Another ranking SS official, Obersturmbannfuehrer Adolf Eichmann escaped to Argentina but was abducted to Israel in 1960, where he was convicted of war crimes and executed.

 

Toward the end of the war, Mueller distanced himself from his boss Himmler and moved closer to Bormann. After he slipped away from Hitler’s bunker in the last days of the Reich, Mueller’s family declared him dead and erected a tombstone in a Berlin cemetery, with the inscription OUR DEAR DADDY. However, in 1963, a court-ordered exhumation revealed that the grave contained three skeletons, none of which matched Mueller’s height or bone structure.

But the biggest fish to get away was Reichsleiter Bormann, the ultimate power behind the Nazi super-science projects and the architect of Operation Eagle Flight. In 1972, Munich bishop Johannes Neuhausler made public a postwar church document stating that Bormann had escaped Berlin during the final days and gone to Spain by airplane.

 

The next year, after journalist Paul Manning published an article in the New York Times detailing Bormann’s escape from justice, West German officials held a news conference proclaiming that Berlin workmen had unearthed two skeletons near the ruins of the Lehrter railroad station and that one of the skeletons had been identified as Bormann. He died in 1945 trying to escape Berlin, they stated.

However, the entire case for the Berlin death of Bormann rested on dental records prepared from memory by a dentist who had been a loyal Nazi for many years, and the sole statement of a dental technician who had been imprisoned in Russia due to his proclaimed knowledge of Bormann’s dental work. Adding to suspicions that Bormann’s death announcement was most convenient for anyone wishing to cover Bormann’s tracks was the fact that Willy Brandt’s government canceled all rewards and warrants for Bormann and instructed West German embassies and consulates to ignore any future sightings of the Reichsleiter.

These suspicions were compounded by statements from several persons who told Paul Manning that the body found near the railroad station was placed there in 1945 by SS troops commanded by “Gestapo” Mueller, who was known to have used decoy bodies on other occasions.

Bormann’s death notice did not convince the late Simon Wiesenthal of the Documentation Center in Vienna, who said,

“Some doubts must remain whether the bones found in Berlin are really those of Bormann.”

One of Bormann’s relatives had no doubts. In 1947, Walter Buch, the father of Bormann’s wife, Gerda, declared on his deathbed,

 

“That damn Martin made it safely out of Germany.”

According to Manning, Bormann was escorted from dying Berlin by selected SS men who passed him along a series of “safe houses” to Munich, where he hid out with his brother, Albert. In early 1946, Bormann was escorted on foot over the Alps to the northern Italian seaport of Genoa. There Bormann was housed in a Franciscan monastery. All this was arranged by “Gestapo” Mueller.

In mid-1946, a steamer ship carried Bormann, provided with false identification papers, to Spain, where he entered the Dominican monastery of San Domingo in the province of Galicia, once the home of Spanish dictator Francisco Franco, a supposed neutral who covertly supported Hitler. Manning noted that in 1969, when Bormann became aware that Israeli agents were sniffing along his escape route, there was a fire in San Domingo. Curiously, the fire started on the very shelves where the monastery kept its book of visitors, which contained Bormann’s name. This incriminating record suspiciously was destroyed.

In the winter of 1947, a large freighter carrying Bormann and several SS officers anchored in the harbor of Buenos Aires, where an organized network of supporters awaited them.

Even before the shooting war ended, lesser-known SS members and hardcore Nazis were fanning out across the world through covert distribution systems. The means was a loosely knit collection of escape routes from Europe, called “ratlines.”

 

Chief among these ratlines were the Kameradenwerk and the ODESSA, the Organization der ehemaligen SS- Angehorigen, or the organization of former SS members. ODESSA was created by Bormann and Mueller, but later administered by Otto Skorzeny, who had escaped war crimes convictions.

Documentation of these ratlines is so incomplete and fragmentary that some historians, taking their cue from the corporate world, have denied that ODESSA existed outside the fevered dreams of fanatical SS men.

 

Ladislas Farago, author of popular histories as well as an acclaimed biography of General George Patton, also wrote that he had proof of Bormann’s postwar survival.

 

He acknowledged ODESSA’s existence but wrote it was,

 

“actually little more than a shadowy consortium of a handful of freelancers and never amounted to much in the Nazi underground.”

But then, in 1976, Louis L. Snyder, professor of history at the City College and the City University of New York, produced the mammoth Encyclopedia of the Third Reich. Snyder described ODESSA as a “vast clandestine Nazi travel organization” to aid the escape of SS members and top Nazis. He noted that the main terminal point for ODESSA was Buenos Aires.

According to Farago, the Kameradenwerk was the real focal point for escaping Nazis. It was founded by Luftwaffe colonel Hans Ulrich Rudel, an air ace who lost a leg flying 2,530 combat missions for Germany. After the war, Rudel almost alone put together one of the most far-reaching and best financed of the rescue groups—the Kameradenwerk.

 

Rudel’s group had help but, according to Farago, it did not come from the Bormann underground but from,

 

“the vast organization and the enormous resources of the one agency that, in the end, took care of more Nazis than all the others combined—the refugee bureau of the Vatican.”

To understand the seemingly puzzling relationship between Hitler’s Nazis and the Holy Roman Church, one must look back to a 1929 agreement signed between the Vatican and the government of fascist Italy.

 

Under this concordat, known as the Lateran Treaty, the Italian government bought favor from the Church by paying almost a billion lire in gold as compensation for church property taken during the nineteenth- century Risorgimento, or reorganization, that helped create modern Italy. The Lateran Treaty also established Vatican City in Rome as a sovereign state, as well as making Roman Catholicism the only state religion in Italy.

On July 20, 1933, a similar concordat was reached between Pope Pius XI and Nazi Germany. Treaty negotiations were handled by Cardinal Eugenio Pacelli, who signed on behalf of the pope and later became Pope Pius XII. This concordat, still in effect today, was signed by Franz von Papen on behalf of German president Paul von Hinderburg.

 

Von Papen was tried at Nuremberg but released despite being denounced as a primary mover in Hitler’s aggression in Europe.

According to the 1933 concordat, there was to be no interference by the Church in political affairs. It also required all bishops to take a loyalty oath to the state and required all priests to be German citizens and subordinate to government officials. Prior to the concordat’s ratification, the Nazi government also reached similar agreements with the major Protestant churches.

 

Hitler, who at a young age trained at a Catholic monastery school and strived to reach accommodations with the German churches, once proclaimed,

 

“I believe today that my conduct is in accordance with the will of the Almighty Creator.”

Rumors have circulated for years that a secret codicil of the concordat involved papal leniency toward National Socialism in exchange for Catholicism being proclaimed the state religion of Europe after an appropriate period of time of total Nazi control. Regardless, it mattered little, as Hitler quickly took steps against all churches, including the Catholics.

 

His sterilization laws, attempts to dissolve the Catholic Youth League, and arrests of priest, nuns, and lay leaders all angered the Catholic community. In March 1937, Pope Pius XI issued an encyclical letter titled “Mit Brennender Sorge,” or “With Burning Sorrow.” In the letter, the pope accused the Nazis of both violating and evading the concordat and even foresaw “threatening storm clouds” of war and extermination.

 

A year later, Pius XI addressed the Nazi persecution of the Jews by proclaiming worldwide,

 

“Mark well that in the Catholic Mass, Abraham is our patriarch and forefather. Anti-Semitism is incompatible with the loft y thought which that fact expresses... I say to you it is impossible for a Christian to take part in anti-Semitism. It is inadmissible. Through Christ and in Christ we are the spiritual progeny of Abraham. Spiritually, we are all Semites.”

But if Pius XI’s turn against National Socialism was legitimate, it unfortunately was short-lived. On February 10, 1939, the day before Pius XI was scheduled to deliver yet another scathing public attack on fascism and anti-Semitism, he died, reportedly of a massive heart attack.

 

Copies of his planned antifascist speech have never been found. Vatican officials have stated they may have been misfiled. Rumors implicated Dr. Francesco Saverio Petacci in the pope’s sudden death.

 

Petacci, one of the Vatican physicians at the time, was the father of Clara Petacci, the longtime mistress of Fascist leader Benito Mussolini. The whispers were that Petacci gave the pope an injection that caused his fatal attack. Strong support for this rumor came some years later, when the same allegation was found in the personal diary of French cardinal and former French Army intelligence agent Eugene Tisserant.

Pope Pius XII, born Eugenio Maria Giuseppe Giovanni Pacelli, was certainly less antagonistic toward fascism and, in fact, had been an honored guest at the society wedding of Clara Petacci and Italian Air Force Lieutenant Riccardo Federici in 1934. The marriage did not last long, and Clara was soon visiting Mussolini at night via a secret staircase in the Palazzo Venezia.

Catholic historian and journalist John Cornwell, in 1999, stunned the Catholic world with his book Hitler’s Pope.

 

A former seminary student, Cornwell explained that he originally intended to defend the actions of Pope Pius XII but as his research in Vatican archives progressed, his attitude changed.

 

“By the middle of 1997, nearing the end of my research, I found myself in a state I can only describe as moral shock. The material I had gathered, taking the more extensive view of Pacelli’s life, amounted not to an exoneration but to a wider indictment,” Cornwell wrote.

The author eventually saw that this pope’s actions—or inaction—actually aided in Hitler’s rise to power and the ensuing Holocaust.

Needless to say, Cornwell’s perception was immediately and savagely attacked as inaccurate reporting and misinterpretation.

 

In the December 9, 2004, edition of The Economist, Cornwell waffled, writing,

 

“I would now argue, in light of the debates and evidence following Hitler’s Pope, that Pius XII had so little scope of action that it is impossible to judge the motives for his silence during the war, while Rome was under the heel of Mussolini and later occupied by Germany.”

Regardless of motives, it is historical fact that many top Nazis and SS men escaped Europe with passports issued by Catholic officials.

 

Luftwaff e ace Rudel admitted as much in 1970, stating,

 

“In Rome itself, the transit point of the escape routes, a vast amount was done. With its own immense resources, the Church helped many of us to go overseas.”

One of those helpful clerics was Bishop Alois Hudal, who voiced opinions comparable to those of Hitler’s Viennese friend Jorg Lanz von Liebenfels, publisher of Ostara, a magazine with occult and erotic themes.

 

A Cistercian monk who founded the anti-Semitic secret Order of the New Templars, von Liebenfels and his mentor Guido von List sought to revive the medieval brotherhood of Teutonic Knights, those heroes of Hitler’s youth, who had used the swastika as an emblem. While von Liebenfels headed his Order of the New Templars, Bishop Hudal was named procurator general of the Catholic Order of German Knights.

 

On May 1, 1933, in a Nazi-sanctioned celebration of the pagan Walpurgis holiday, Hudal made a particularly impassioned speech in Rome before assembled Church and Nazi leaders as well as the expatriate German community.

 

“German unity is my strength, my strength is German might,” he told the crowd.

It was, in fact, a Franciscan friar serving under Bishop Hudal who helped arrange a Red Cross passport and visa to Argentina in 1950 for Obersturmbannfuehrer Adolf Eichmann, the exterminator of Jews who had managed to slip away from American captors at the end of the war.

 

Bishop Hudal, in his later memoirs, thanked God he was able to help so many escape with false identity papers.

Many of these “false identity papers” were documents issued by the Commissione Pontificia d’Assistenza, or the Vatican Refugee Organization. While not full passports themselves, these Vatican identity papers were used to obtain a Displaced Person passport from the International Red Cross, which, in turn, was used to gain a visa.

 

Supposedly, the Red Cross checked the backgrounds of applicants, but usually it was sufficient to have the word of a priest or a bishop. This method of aiding escaping Nazis—the one favored by Bishop Hudal—came to be known as the “Vatican ratlines.”

For example, Ante Pavelic, the wartime pro-Nazi fascist dictator of Croatia, who was given a private audience with Pope Pius XII shortly after taking power in 1941, escaped to South America after the war with a Red Cross passport gained through a Vatican document.

ONE OF THE countries in which the Auslandsorganisation worked with particular success was Argentina.

 

“There it has been able to operate without any disguise or front. All of the more than 200,000 Argentine Nazis are members, not of an Argentine sub-organization of the Nazi Party, but of the German Party itself, and hold membership cards signed by Robert Ley, leader of the German Workers’ Front—which means, quite obviously, that Berlin considered, and still considers, Argentina not so much an independent foreign country as a German Gau [district],” noted Curt Reiss.

Although many Nazis found safe havens in Brazil, Paraguay, Chile, and Uruguay, no South American nation was more accommodating than the Argentina of Dictator Juan Domingo Peron and his lovely second wife, Eva Maria Duarte de Peron, popularly known as Evita.

After participating in a successful military coup in 1943, Peron was voted in as president in 1946 by a majority of voters, who lauded his efforts to eliminate poverty and dignify workers. He was elected against the intense and overt opposition of the United States. Such opposition appeared justified, for soon after his election Peron began to nationalize and expropriate British and American businesses.

 

As their influence in Argentina dwindled, that of the Germans grew.

Luftwaffe pilot Rudel, who created the Kameradenwerk ratline, became a trainer for Peron’s air force and in the process brought with him about one hundred members of the wartime Luftwaffe staff . Likewise, many Nazi SS and Gestapo fugitives from justice served in the Argentine Army and police forces. Among them was Kurt Tank, who headed a large group of Nazi scientists.

 

Tank, a fighter plane designer and former director of the Focke-Wulf aircraft factory, had slipped away from Germany in disguise and, armed with false identity papers provided by Peron himself, arrived in Buenos Aires with microfilm of aircraft designs hidden in his pants. Soon, about sixty of his old Nazi comrades had joined him, using the same system.

THE MAN MOST responsible for fostering pro-Nazi feelings in South America was General Wilhelm von Faupel.

 

In 1900, Faupel went to China as a member of the German military legation. He later went to Moscow in the same capacity. In 1911, he joined the staff of the Argentine War College in Buenos Aires. Faupel returned to Argentina after serving Germany in World War I and obtained the job of military counselor to the inspector general of the Argentine Army.

 

Von Faupel not only imparted military theories to the armies of Argentina, Brazil, and Peru, he also instilled in them the political theories of National Socialism.

 

“Hating the [Weimar] republic passionately, he did not return to Germany until the Nazis were about to take power,” wrote Curt Reiss.

 

“But while he was away he had kept up excellent relations with industrialists such as Fritz Thyssen, Georg von Schnitzler, and Herr von Schroeder. After all, these gentlemen had elaborate interests in Latin America. And so had von Faupel. In fact, he boasted openly among German military and industrial men that he could conquer the whole of Latin America.”

Faupel most likely was speaking for many globalists who had significant holdings in South America and did not wish to relinquish them to leftists, communists, nationalists, or reformers.

Although he is widely seen as a dictator, many “Peronists” still view Juan Peron as a champion of the working man. Few realized at the time that he was stashing away an estimated $500 million in Swiss bank accounts. According to Manning, at least $100 million came from the Bormann organization. Peron reciprocated for this generosity by allowing many war criminals to immigrate, legally and illegally, to Argentina. He reportedly provided more than a thousand blank passports for escaping Nazis.

Peron was an admirer of Hitler. He had learned German at a young age so he could read Mein Kampf. His private secretary, Rudolfo Freude, also was chief of internal security. The Argentine dictator was greatly honored to shelter Deputy Fuehrer Bormann.

 

After several low-key meetings with Bormann, Peron saw Bormann’s flight capital program as a means of boosting the Argentine economy.

 

“Both realized that the capture of Bormann was a clear and ever-present danger,” noted Paul Manning, “and so Peron instructed the chief of his secret police to give all possible cooperation to Heinrich Mueller in his task of protecting the party minister, a collaboration that continued for years.”

Evita took on the role of liaison between her husband and Nazis seeking asylum.

 

“Born in 1919 as an illegitimate child, she became a prostitute to survive and to get acting roles,” wrote investigative reporter Georg Hodel.

 

“As she climbed the social ladder lover by lover, she built up deep resentments toward the traditional elites. As a mistress to other army officers, she caught the eye of handsome military strongman Juan Peron. After a public love affair, they married in 1945.”

In June 1947, Eva Peron embarked on a much-publicized “Rainbow Tour” of Europe, greeted royally by Spain’s Franco and a private audience with Pope Pius XII.

 

While in Spain, she reportedly met with Otto Skorzeny, who headed a ratline known as die Spinne or the Spider, and arranged the transfer of millions in Nazi loot to Argentina. She also traveled to Genoa, where she met with Argentine shipping fleet owner Alberto Dodero, who within a month was ferrying Nazis to South America.

 

But the primary purpose of the trip appeared to be the meetings Evita held with bankers in Switzerland.
 

“According to records now emerging from Swiss archives and the investigations of Nazi hunters, an unpublicized side of Evita’s world tour was coordinating the network for helping Nazis relocate in Argentina,” wrote Hodel.

 

“Though Evita’s precise role on organizing the Nazi ‘ratlines’ remains a bit fuzzy, her Europe an tour connected the dots of the key figures in the escape network. She also helped clear the way for more formal arrangements in the Swiss-Argentine-Nazi collaboration.”

In 1955, Peron was ousted in a military coup and forced to flee to neighboring Paraguay and later to exile in Madrid, Spain. He left without the body of Eva, who had died from cancer in 1952, at age thirty-three. Her popularity was such that eight persons were trampled to death in the tumultuous crowds who flocked to see her embalmed body lying in state.

According to Manning, the relationship between Bormann and Peron,

 

“became somewhat frayed around the edges after Peron left for Panama and then exile in Spain in 1955, but [Gestapo] Mueller today [1981] still wields power with the Argentinean secret police in all matters concerning Germans and the [Nazis] in South America.”

THE IMPACT OF transplanted Nazis continues to be felt in South America.

 

“Those aging fascists accomplished much of what the ODESSA strategists had hoped,” noted Georg Hodel, adding, “The Nazis in Argentina kept Hitler’s torch burning, won new converts in the region’s militaries and passed on the advanced science of torture and ‘death squad’ operations. Hundreds of left-wing Peronist students and unionists were among the victims of the neo-fascist Argentine junta that launched the Dirty War in 1976.”

SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Klaus Barbie, the “butcher of Lyon,” after working for the U.S. Army’s Counterintelligence Corps following Germany’s defeat, ensconced himself in Bolivia under the name Klaus Altmann.

 

Using his contacts in the Kameradenwerk, he began running guns between Bolivia, Peru, and Chile.

 

“The gun trade eventually led them into the drug trade,” wrote Levenda.

On July 17, 1980, Barbie abetted right-wing officers in the army during a coup over the left-of-center Bolivian government.

 

“Barbie’s team hunted down and slaughtered government officials and labor leaders, while Argentine specialists flew in to demonstrate the latest torture techniques,” wrote Hodel.

With Barbie’s aid, Bolivia was soon a primary and secure source of cocaine for the emerging Medellin drug cartel. Two years later, Barbie was captured and extradited to France, where he died in 1991 from cancer while serving a life sentence for crimes against humanity.

ODESSA also turned to gun-running as a means of financing its operations. In fact, it was never intended only as an escape route for Nazis, but, at Bormann’s instructions, it was set up as a profitable business enterprise as well. The plentiful supply of surplus arms in Europe turned out to be an immediately profitable commodity.

In late 1945, U.S. military authorities became aware of a huge black market enterprise being operated out of Passau, a picturesque city located ninety miles northeast of Munich at the confluence of the Danube, Inn, and Ilz Rivers.

 

It was a connecting point between Germany, Austria, and Czechoslovakia, and a collection center for Axis arms. It was here that the weapons from three complete armies—the Hungarian Fifth Army and the German Fifth and Twelfth Armies—were stockpiled in an American-run depot. Rifles, machine guns, and ammunition were gathered at Passau while millions of dollars worth of vehicles were cached at Mattinghoffen, Austria.

About $10 million worth of these war materials went missing, sold by black marketers, mainly ODESSA agents, German officials, and criminals, aided by a few Allied soldiers. In one of the greatest ironies of history, the bulk of this material was being shipped to Palestine for use both by Jews trying to create the state of Israel and by Arabs who violently opposed such an effort.

On January 5, 1946, U.S. military intelligence officers under the command of Colonel William Weaver of General Patton’s G-2 staff were sent to Passau to make arrests. Instead, the agents were murdered and the house in which they were staying was burned.

One agent, Lieutenant William H. Spector, survived. Hospitalized with a kidney stone, Spector narrowly missed the massacre at Passau. Vowing to avenge his slain fellow officers, Spector was nonplussed to find that the entire affair was hushed up on orders of superior officers who declared it a “security issue.”

 

Spector did learn that one of the men involved with the stolen arms as well as the agents’ deaths was a Romanian national named Robert Abramovici. Abramovici later changed his name to Robert Adam and started an arms company called Intermecco Socomex, which became closely associated with the CIA’s arms company, Interarmco.

The arms deals in Palestine were handled by Joseph Beidas and Eduardo Baroudi and his brothers, who sold weapons to both Arabs and Jews. Baroudi later became a vice president of Intrabank, based in Beirut, Lebanon, a major conduit for black market funds.

Millionaires were made immediately after the war by both war surplus and black market arms deals.

 

“But none were to achieve the profitability of ODESSA, whose agents ranged throughout Europe and even behind the Iron Curtain,” explained Manning, adding, "They bought and sold surplus American arms to Arab buyers seeking to strengthen the military capabilities of Egypt and other Middle Eastern Arab nations. Palestine was to be partitioned into a Jewish homeland, and they intended to destroy it at birth. But now, Jewish buyers, funded from America and elsewhere, entered the marketplace.

 

They were barred from purchasing guns and American surplus P-51 Mustang fighter planes by President Truman, and their only recourse for survival was to trade on the Europe an black market, which, unknown to them, was rapidly coming under the control of ODESSA agents. However, the Jewish agency’s buyers might have purchased from the devil himself if it meant survival of the small, defenseless nation, just come into being on May 14, 1947"

Again, the behind-the-scenes maneuvering of wealthy globalists can be seen in the creation of modern Israel. This began in 1917, when 2nd Baron Rothschild, Lionel Walter Rothschild, received a letter from British foreign secretary Arthur Balfour replying to his query regarding Balfour’s position on Palestine.

 

Balfour expressed approval for the establishment of a home for Jews there. This letter later became known as the Balfour Declaration. In 1922, the League of Nations approved the Balfour mandate in Palestine, thus paving the way for the later creation of Israel. Lord Rothschild was an ardent Zionist, who had served as a member of the British Parliament.

 

The Zionist movement, composed of both Jews and non-Jews, had been working toward the creation of Israel since the late 1800s. Lord Rothschild was the eldest son of Nathan Rothschild, who had controlled the Bank of England and funded the Cecil Rhodes diamond (and secret society) empire. Another Rothschild, Baron Edmond de Rothschild, who built the first pipeline from the Red Sea to the Mediterranean and founded the Israel General Bank, was called “the father of modern Israel.”

It also appears that the Zionists employed blackmail to aid in the formation of Israel.

 

Their most famous target was Nelson Rockefeller, who in 1940 was named to the intelligence position of coordinator of inter- American affairs by Secretary of Defense Forrestal. In 1944, Rockefeller was selected to serve as assistant secretary of state for Latin American affairs. It was a post most suitable to Rockefeller, whose primary purpose, according to authors Loftus and Aarons, was “to monopolize Latin America’s raw materials and exclude the Europe ans.”

 

Due to the extensive business dealings between the German Nazis and American globalists, as detailed previously, Loftus and Aarons noted that during the war, the Germans in South America got anything they wanted, from refueling stations to espionage bases, while the British had to pay cash.

 

“Behind Rockefeller’s rhetoric of taking measures in Latin America for the national defense stood a naked grab for profits,” they wrote. “Under the cloak of his official position, Rockefeller and his cronies would take over Britain’s most valuable Latin American properties. If the British resisted, he would effectively block raw materials and food supplies desperately needed for Britain’s fight against Hitler.”

Soon, Rockefeller controlled much of South America and was able to bring that influence to the newly created United Nations.

 

But when Rockefeller pushed through UN membership for pro-fascist Argentina over the objections of President Truman, he lost his government position. He returned to the world of business.

 

According to Loftus and Aarons,

 

his “partner in moneymaking just happened to be John Foster Dulles, a trustee of the Rockefeller Foundation and a fellow conspirator in smuggling Axis money to safety.”

In 1947, when Zionist leader David Ben-Gurion was desperate for votes to ensure the passage of a UN resolution partitioning Palestine and thus creating the state of Israel, he turned to Nelson Rockefeller.

 

According to several former U.S. intelligence agents, Ben-Gurion “blackmailed the hell out of him.”

Rockefeller had been able to deflect several investigations into his family’s prewar and wartime dealings with the Nazis, but according to Loft us and Aarons,

 

“Then the Jews arrived with their dossier. They had his Swiss bank records with the Nazis, his signature on correspondence setting up the German Cartel in South America, transcripts of his conversations with Nazi agents during the war, and, finally, evidence of his complicity in helping Allen Dulles smuggle Nazi war criminals and money from the Vatican to Argentina.”

Loftus, as a U.S. attorney with unprecedented access to classified CIA and NATO files as well as former intelligence operatives, in 1994 joined with Australian broadcast journalist Mark Aarons to produce a national bestseller titled The Secret War Against the Jews, which probed the role of Western intelligence agencies in the affairs of Israel. These authors interviewed one of the Jews present at the meeting with Rockefeller. He gave this account:

Rockefeller skimmed through the dossier and coolly began to bargain. In return for the votes of the Latin American bloc, he wanted guarantees that the Jews would keep their mouths shut about the flow of Nazi money and fugitives to South America.

 

There would be no Zionist Nazi-hunting unit, no testimony at Nuremberg about the bankers or anyone else, not a single leak to the press about where the Nazis were living in South America or which Nazis were working for Dulles. The subject of Nazis was closed. Period. Forever.

 

The choice was simple, Rockefeller explained,

 

“You can have vengeance, or you can have a country, but you cannot have both.”

The deal was made and Rockefeller delivered. On November 29, 1947, the UN General Assembly approved a resolution recommending the partition of Palestine.

 

The vote shocked the Arab world, which had not foreseen several Latin American countries switching their vote at the last minute. The Jews had traded silence for their new country’s security, but they didn’t take it lying down. To this day, Israeli leaders have in turn blackmailed the Western employers of Nazi refugees and war criminals, guaranteeing nearly unconditional support for Israel and its policies.

The creation of Israel also explained the inability of U.S. officials to interdict the flight capital out of Germany.

 

John Pehle worked with Orvis Schmidt in the U.S. Treasury’s Foreign Funds Control office.

It is apparent that the globalists in both Europe and America were more concerned with gaining a foothold in the oil-rich Middle East than in pursuing escaped Nazis and their treasure.

ALONG WITH THIS outpouring of Nazi assets, capital, scientists, SS men, and former officials within ODESSA were other, more secretive, assistance groups such as the Die Spinne, Sechsgestirn (or the Constellation of Six), and the Deutsche Hilfsverein (or German Relief Organization).

Through such organizations, SS men and Nazi officials escaped through southern France and across the Pyrenees into Spain. These were not for- profit enterprises like ODESSA, but still they received funding and orders from the Bormann group.

Die Spinne was a creation of commando Otto Skorzeny and was largely composed of troops from his old wartime commando unit. It was funded through the Bormann program.

 

After the meeting with Eva Peron in 1947, many Spinne members made their way to Argentina.

 

“[T]he number of Germans who went to South America, both along these ... routes and by less organized means after Martin Bormann had declared his flight capital program in August 1944, totaled 60,000, including scientists and administrators at all levels, as well as the former SS soldiers commanded by General Mueller,” noted Paul Manning.

Even before the end of the war, the Nazis used concentration camp prisoners and hired specialists to manufacture respectable-looking but phony identification papers. With these and aided by the general chaos in Europe at war’s end, they developed their own effective witness protection program. Many of these false identities have withstood the test of time and are still in use.

While on the run at the end of the war, Bormann controlled his vast commercial empire through an elaborate but well-planned communications system.

 

“Wherever positioned, he turned his hiding place into a party headquarters, and was in command of everything save security,” explained Manning.

 

“Telephones were too dangerous, but he had couriers to bear documents to Sweden, where a Bormann commercial headquarters was maintained in Malmö [Sweden] to handle the affairs of a complex and growing postwar business empire. From Malmö, high-frequency radio could transmit coded information to listening posts in Switzerland, Spain, or Argentina to form a continuous line of instructions.”

The deputy fuehrer’s escape had not gone unnoticed. It was substantiated by a file on Bormann sent to the FBI and obtained by Paul Manning.

 

“When the file... was received at FBI headquarters it revealed that the Reichsleiter had indeed been tracked for years,” he wrote.

 

“One report covered [Bormann’s] whereabouts from 1948 to 1961, in Argentina, Paraguay, Brazil, and Chile. The file revealed that he had been banking under his own name from his office in Germany in Deutsche Bank of Buenos Aires since 1941; that he held one joint account with the Argentinean dictator Juan Peron, and on August 4, 5, and 14, 1967, had written checks on demand accounts in First National City Bank [now Citibank] (Overseas Division) of New York, the Chase Manhattan Bank, and Manufacturers Hanover Trust Co., all cleared through Deutsche Bank of Buenos Aires.”

Then there was a police report from Cordoba Province dated April 22, 1955, in which a police agent with special knowledge of Bormann spotted the Nazi in the company of two other men in a hotel and trailed them. He overheard one of the men acknowledge the short, balding man who obviously was the superior of the three by saying, “Jawohl, Herr Bormann.”

By 1972, it was apparent to anyone who desired to know that Martin Bormann had been operating in South America for some time. Researcher and author Ladislas Farago caused a minor sensation in that year with his articles published in En gland’s Daily Express, detailing Bormann’s activities.

 

In 1974, Farago used his findings on Bormann in his book Aftermath: Martin Bormann and the Fourth Reich.

His investigative work led to a New York Times story published on November 27, 1972, and datelined “Buenos Aires.” It stated,

 

“Argentine secret service sources said today that Martin Bormann was sheltered in the country after World War II, but could not confirm reports that he still lived there. Sources in Salta confirmed that the ranch where Bormann was said to have lived was owned by German industrialists. The intelligence sources said other Nazis arrived in Argentina with Bormann and were sheltered there, particularly by Vittorio Mussolini, son of the Italian dictator.”

Of course, only Bormann, Mengele, Eichmann, and a few other leading Nazis garnered occasional news headlines. Thousands managed to slip through the hands of authorities unnoticed, thanks to business connections or passports provided by the Vatican.

It seems apparent that it was not only business interests protecting the Nazis but individuals within the American government. For example, someone with access to U.S. archives later took steps to obliterate any record of Kammler or his fate.

 

Nick Cook tried to trace Kammler and hit a brick wall.

 

“Protracted searches by archivists at the U.S. National Archives for any data on Kammler had failed to locate a single entry for him,” wrote Cook.

 

“Given Kammler’s range of responsibilities in the final months of the war, this absence of evidence was remarkable; so much so, that one archivist at Modern Military Records, College Park, Maryland, said ... Somebody ... had been in and cleaned up [the records].”

THE NAZI ORGANIZATION that may have made the greatest impact on the United States was not a ratline but a spy network created by General-major Reinhard Gehlen.

 

This Nazi network was to become America’s eyes and ears in the early days of the Cold War.

The son of a Catholic bookshop owner, Gehlen was born in 1902 and joined the German Army in 1920. His middle- class family nevertheless boasted military officers on both sides. In the 1930s, Gehlen moved from the German Staff College to the Army General Staff with the rank of captain. In 1940, he was promoted to major and served on the staff s of two German generals. By 1942, Gehlen, now a Lieutenant colonel, became the head of Fremde Heere Ost, or Foreign Armies East (FHO), a curious title for the section of the German General Staff analyzing all intelligence on the Russian Front.

In an attempt to avoid conflicts with the Abwehr, Germany’s counterintelligence service, Gehlen created his own network of spies and informers.

 

This system soon began making major contributions to the Nazi war effort by upgrading the level of intelligence on the Soviets. Gehlen made use of whatever anticommunists could be found and in particular the anti-Soviet spy network of Russian general Andrei Vlasov, a Rus sian officer who began working with Gehlen and the Nazis against the Stalin regime. (With Germany’s defeat, the Allies turned Vlasov and his “Russian Liberation Army” over to Stalin, who had them all executed.)

 

Gehlen soon put together a remarkable network of agents and spies, all sworn to utmost secrecy, even from their own families. This combined Vlasov/Gehlen operation became known as the Gehlen Organization, a spy network that was continued by U.S. authorities long after the war.

But Gehlen’s accurate and realistic intelligence soon rankled Hitler, who toward the end of the war cried, “Gehlen is a fool!” Such vitriol may have led to Gehlen lending a sympathetic ear to plotters against Hitler. But whatever his role, if any, in the failed July 1944 bomb plot against the fuehrer, Gehlen managed to survive.

By then, he had a new plan—one that was to have lasting effect on the Allied nations and particularly the United States and Russia.

In April 1945, realizing that the war was lost for the Germans, Gehlen offered his spy network in Russia to the British but received no answer.

 

“Taking everything into consideration, it seemed more expedient to make our approach to the American military forces,” Gehlen recalled.

 

“I suspected that once the shooting stopped the Americans would probably recover a sense of objectivity toward us more rapidly then their Europe an allies, and subsequent history bore me out on this point.”

Gehlen also showed no signs of being anything other than an unrepentant National Socialist. In his 1971 memoirs, he stated,

 

“I still believe that we could have achieved our 1941 campaign objectives, had it not been for the pernicious interventions of Adolf Hitler.”

In other words, Gehlen’s only objection to Nazi aggression was that Hitler lost.

Gehlen and his organization stashed their voluminous intelligence files in more than fifty sealed steel containers and buried them as they retreated westward—one cache was stored near the Wendelstein Mountains, another in the Algau province of southwest Bavaria, and the third in the Hunsruck mountain range in the Rhineland.

 

After hiding out in a mountain lodge for some time, Gehlen made his move.

 

“We were determined not to be taken prisoner,” he later recounted. “We wanted to surrender on our own initiative to the Americans. It was all part of the plan.”

Initially spurned by American officers who failed to recognize his importance, including a member of the Counterintelligence Corps (CIC), Gehlen finally arrived in front of Brigadier General Edwin L. Sibert, senior intelligence officer of the American occupation zone in Germany.

 

“While fighting was still in progress in France, [Sibert] had been prepared to make use of Adolf Hitler’s officers in the cause of American strategy,” wrote Gehlen chroniclers Heinz Hoehne and Hermann Zolling, adding, “The idea came from... the adviser to Allen W. Dulles, the U.S. secret-service officer in Berne.”

Sibert listened attentively as Gehlen detailed “the actual aims of the Soviet Union and its display of military might,” despite U.S. Army regulations that prohibited personnel from listening to any remarks made by a German against their erstwhile ally in the East.

 

“My later discussions with General Sibert in Oberursel ended with a ‘gentlemen’s agreement’ which for a variety of reasons we never set down in black and white,” Gehlen stated.

The terms of this “gentlemen’s agreement” were as follows:

• A clandestine German intelligence organization was to be created.

• This organization would work “jointly” with the Americans, but would not be subordinate to them.

• The organization would operate exclusively under German leadership with only assignments coming from the Americans.

• The organization would be funded by the Americans but not from occupation costs.

• The organization would remain in American hands until a sovereign German government was created and agreed to take responsibility for the group.

• Should the organization at any time find German and American interests in conflict, it would consider the interests of Germany

“The political risk [of this agreement] to which Sibert was exposed was very great,” conceded Gehlen, who was most pleased with the arrangement.

 

“Anti-German feeling was running high, and he had created our organization without any authority from Washington and without the knowledge of the War Department. I understand that he informed his opposite number in the British zone, Major General Sir Kenneth Strong, of our existence, but he asked him not to inquire too closely into the matter for fear that the press might discover our activities.”

Gehlen and some of his staff members were soon flown to Washington in a military plane belonging to Walter Bedell Smith, General Eisenhower’s chief of staff, who went on to direct the CIA from 1950 to 1953 and also succeeded Averell Harriman as U.S. ambassador to the Soviet Union. Smith was to become an early member of the secretive Bilderberg Group initially headed by former SS officer Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands.

Gehlen’s self-serving proposal was accepted by Sibert’s military superiors, who did not know of the globalists’ control over the Soviet Union and, therefore, were easily frightened by Gehlen’s description of this militarily ambitious “evil empire.”

 

Under the proposal, Gehlen would operate independently and as an equal, offering the Americans only the information they requested or he decided to share, but never in any way conflicting with the interests of his Fatherland. In other words, virtually everything the United States learned about Soviet aims and capabilities at the end of World War II came from an anticommunist underground filtered through a Nazi organization with connections to the international financial elite.

Carl Oglesby, author of The Yankee and Cowboy War, wrote that by 1948, following the formation of the CIA,

 

“Gehlen had grown tight with Dulles and his organization and become in effect the CIA’s department of Russian and East European affairs. Soon after the formation of NATO [in 1949], [the Gehlen organization] became the official NATO intelligence organization.”

It has been made public in recent years that the Gehlen organization received an aggregate of $200 million in CIA funds from Allen Dulles.

Much of Gehlen’s intelligence proved questionable, although this was not known at the time, since the Russians had tight control over information behind the Iron Curtain.

 

“Gehlen flooded the Americans with ‘authentic’ documents provided by the Byelorussians,” noted Loft us.

 

“Because the information pertained to Soviet activity in areas where verification was impossible, the Americans had no choice but to view Gehlen’s information as genuine. In reality, most of the secret intelligence that Gehlen furnished came from recently arrived émigrés, Soviet newspapers, and mail from Belarus and the Ukraine.”

Gehlen went on to an illustrious career in spy craft. In 1946, he returned to Germany and began forming an intelligence organization that evolved into the Bundesnachrichtendienst (BND), or federal intelligence service, in West Germany. His cadre of 350 former comrades grew to more than 4,000.

 

True to the initial agreement, Gehlen became president of the BND from its inception in 1956 until 1968, when he was forced to resign in the wake of a political scandal. Following his death in 1979, Gehlen, a member of the Knights of Malta, was hailed as the consummate Cold War spymaster.

In 2000, the CIA finally admitted its relationship with Gehlen. As the result of a Freedom of Information Act request from Oglesby, the agency filed an affidavit in a U.S. District Court “acknowledging an intelligence relationship with German General Reinhard Gehlen that it has kept secret for 50 years.”

ANOTHER FORGOTTEN CONNECTION between U.S. authorities and the Nazis was the International Criminal Police Organization, known as Interpol, which was created as the International Criminal Police Commission in 1924, the same year J. Edgar Hoover became director of the FBI.

 

It was headquartered in Vienna, Austria. It was established to assist in international police cooperation. In 1938, following the Anschluss, or unification, of Germany and Austria, the organization came under Nazi control and until the end of World War II functioned as an intelligence and enforcement arm of the Gestapo.

During those years, Interpol was headed by some of the most notorious Nazi war criminals, such as SS Obergruppenfuehrer Reinhard Heydrich, who chaired the infamous Wannsee Conference where the Holocaust was planned; Arthur Nebe, the criminal police chief who also commanded Einsatzkommandos, or killer squads, that liquidated “undesirables”; and Ernst Kaltenbrunner, who succeeded the slain Heydrich and was hanged at Nuremberg for war crimes.

 

Working with Heydrich at Interpol was a young SS officer named Paul Dickopf. After the war, Dickopf served as president of Interpol from 1968 to 1972.

At the recommendation of FBI director Hoover, who always seemed more concerned about communists than Nazis, the United States formally joined Interpol just two weeks after the 1938 Nazi Anschluss of Austria. Hoover kept up a friendly correspondence with Nazi Interpol leaders until a few days after Pearl Harbor, when apparently he felt such connections might tarnish his image.

After the war, Interpol officials insisted that all its files were destroyed in Allied bombings. However, according to researcher Vaughn Young, a Swedish policeman named Harry Soderman, who had worked with Interpol since its inception, argued that an aborted attempt in 1945 to take the files out of Germany left them in French hands. The next year, Interpol was reestablished with strong support from the French police and headquartered in Paris.

 

Also in 1946, Hoover sidestepped the U.S. State Department by attending a meeting in Brussels to formally reconstitute Interpol, where he was elected vice president. Former U.S. Army intelligence officer William Spector stated Hoover gained blackmail leverage over many prominent American business and political leaders by acquiring the Nazi/Interpol intelligence files at the end of World War II.

To this day, Interpol officials have declined to seek out Nazi war criminals, claiming such action is beyond its jurisdiction.

BY 1980, MARTIN Bormann, then in his eighties, had traveled extensively in South America, often just ahead of Nazi hunters. He lived in a luxurious estate near Buenos Aires, writing his memoirs while still under the protection of “Gestapo” Mueller.

Paul Manning said this aging recluse remained the guardian and silent manipulator of a gigantic industrial pyramid centered in Germany.

 

Bormann also had become mentor to a new generation of lawyers, bankers, and industrialists. In an undated interview following the 1981 publication of his book Martin Bormann: Nazi in Exile, Manning stated,

 

“The Bormann organization is not merely a group of ex-Nazis. It is a great economic power whose interests today supersede their ideology.”

It is estimated that as many as 100,000 ranking Nazis remained at large after the war. “As such, it constitutes one of the largest—and best-funded, best-trained, best-equipped, and best-connected—cults in the world today,” stated Peter Levenda. “And the second generation is being trained and indoctrinated in the streets of London, Berlin, New York, Buenos Aires ... and in secret, heavily armed estates like Colonia Dignidad [in Chile].”

Colonia Dignidad, or Dignity colony, today is called Villa Baviera, or villa Bavaria. It was founded in 1961 by Paul Schaefer, formerly of the Nazi Luftwaffe, and was made up of German immigrants who had been living there since the early 1950s.

 

The large compound boasted its own power plant, two runways, and a restaurant, all surrounded by barbed wire, searchlights, and guard towers.

 

In 1986, an inspection by Amnesty International discovered underground cells where prisoners suffered remote- control torture by means of electronic sound systems and electric shock.

 

“It was a torture and execution center during the regime of Au-gusto Pinochet who was placed into power in Chile by Henry Kissinger in 1973 to protect Rockefeller interests there,” stated Peter Levenda.

The compound was run by approximately three hundred Nazi exiles, some of whom still live there today. An estimated three thousand persons died and thirty thousand were tortured during the violent overthrow of Chile’s democracy by Pinochet, which included the still-disputed circumstances of President Salvador Allende’s death.

 

In 1997, Schaefer fled Chile after being accused of sexually molesting two young boys at the colony. In 2005, large caches of arms and ammunition were found there.

While there can be no doubt that Bormann’s surviving Nazi empire still exerts tremendous control over world economies and politics even today, the full extent may never be known.

What is known is that many of Nazi Germany’s most brilliant minds continued their work outside Europe after the war, most notably in the United States.
 

 

 

PROJECT PAPERCLIP AND THE SPACE RACE

ON MAY 19, 1945, JUST TWELVE DAYS AFTER GERMANY’S unconditional surrender, Herbert Wagner, creator of the first Nazi guided missile used in combat, landed in Washington, D.C., in a U.S. military aircraft with blacked- out windows.

Wagner was the first of a stream of Nazi scientists, technicians, and others to arrive in the United States in a program that came to be known as Project Paperclip. It began as Operation Overcast, a program authorized by the Joint Chiefs of Staff to exploit the knowledge of Nazi scientists. (Overcast was mentioned but not clearly explained in the 2006 film The Good German starring George Clooney.)

 

This operation was renamed Paperclip and formally authorized in August 1945 by President Harry Truman, who was assured that no one with “Nazi or militaristic records” would be involved.

By mid-November, more Nazi scientists, engineers, and technicians were arriving in America, including Wernher von Braun and more than seven hundred other Nazi rocket scientists.

By 1955, nearly a thousand German scientists had been granted citizenship in the United States and given prominent positions in the American scientific community. Many had been longtime members of the Nazi Party and the Gestapo, had conducted experiments on humans at concentration camps, used slave labor, and committed other war crimes.

Von Braun, who in later years became the head of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA), is one of the more recognizable names of the Paperclip scientists.

 

Others included:

CNN reporter Linda Hunt’s 1991 book Secret Agenda: The United States Government, Nazi Scientists, and Project Paperclip, 1945–1990 first revealed the extent to which Nazi infiltration was aided by persons within the U.S. federal government and military.

 

Like other researchers, Hunt found many government files pertaining to recruited Nazis “missing” or otherwise unavailable. Despite government claims that Paperclip was ended in 1947, according to Hunt, this project was,

 

“the biggest, longest-running operation involving Nazis in our country’s history.”

“The project continued nonstop until 1973—decades longer than was previously thought. And remnants of it are still in operation today,” she wrote.

By the 1990s, when details of Paperclip finally reached the public’s ears, the infusion of Nazis into America’s military-industrial complex was complete.

IN 1952 , NEWLY elected President Dwight D. Eisenhower was persuaded to name John Foster Dulles as his secretary of state, and his brother, Allen Dulles, as the director of the CIA.

 

“The reigning Dulles brothers were the ‘Republican’ replacements for their client and business partner, ‘Democrat’ Averell Harriman. Occasional public posturing aside, their strategic commitments [to the globalists] were identical to his,” stated authors Webster Griffin Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin in their well-documented 1992 Unauthorized Biography of George H. W. Bush.

It should be noted that the Dulles brothers were both attorneys for and business partners with Averell Harriman.

 

It should also be noted that Allen Dulles, as OSS station chief in Bern, Switzerland, sat at the nexus of U.S. intelligence as well as Soviet intelligence, such as the infamous Rote Kapelle, or Red Orchestra, spy network. It was during his stint as assistant to the U.S. ambassador that Dulles used SS Brigadefuehrer, or brigadier general, Walter Schellenberg to communicate with his immediate superior, Reichsfuehrer Heinrich Himmler.

 

Dulles constantly sent intelligence reports to Washington, although, as stated by Adam LeBor,

“there are questions as to whether his motive was supplying genuine economic intelligence or merely building a complicated empire of information and disinformation that reached from Bern to Berlin and back again.”

Dulles moved from Bern to become OSS station chief in Berlin at the end of the war. In 1947, when the OSS was rolled into the newly created CIA, Dulles’s translator was an army intelligence officer named Henry Kissinger, who would go on to become secretary of state under President Richard Nixon, a lifelong friend to Dulles.

Project Paperclip quickly came under the control of an “old boy” network encompassing members of the globalists centered in the Council on Foreign Relations.

After its inception, Paperclip was run by the intelligence division of the

U.S. Army’s European Command, directed by Robert Walsh operating out of Berlin.

 

“The Paperclip office operated out of the intelligence division’s headquarters in Heidelberg, under Deputy Director Colonel Robert Schow, who would become assistant director of the CIA in 1949 and assistant chief of staff for intelligence in 1956,” Hunt wrote in Secret Agenda.

She added that officers of the Joint Intelligence Objectives Agency (JIOA) who managed Project Paperclip soon began receiving security reports from Schow’s office, regarding the Germans recruited into the program. All reports on these men had been altered from a determination of “ardent Nazi” to read “not an ardent Nazi.”

After assuming the directorship of the newly created CIA, Allen Dulles, who, as attorney for the Shroeder bank, had brokered the deals allowing Hitler’s rise to power, assumed control over Project Paperclip and increased the flow of National Socialists into the United States.

After former Nazi spymaster General Reinhard Gehlen met with the CIA director Dulles and offered to turn over his extensive spy network to the CIA in exchange for non-prosecution of their Nazi pasts, the scientists’ dossiers were rewritten to eliminate incriminating evidence of their work for the Nazis.

 

“For over forty years ... Paperclip’s dark secrets lay safely hidden in cover-ups, lies, and deceit,” stated Hunt.

Hunt uncovered documents showing that even Wernher von Braun, who in 1947 had been described as “a potential security threat” by the military governor, was reassessed only months later in a report stating, “he may not constitute a security threat to the U.S.”

 

Likewise, von Braun’s brother, Magnus, who had been declared a “dangerous German Nazi” by counterintelligence officers, was brought to America and his pro-Nazi record expunged.

 

“The effect of the cover-up involved far more than merely whitewashing the information in the dossiers,” noted Hunt. “Serious allegations of crimes not only were expunged from the records, but were never even investigated.”

In a 1985 exposé in the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, Hunt wrote that she had examined more than 130 reports on Project Paperclip subjects—and every one “had been changed to eliminate the security threat classification.” President Truman, who had explicitly ordered no committed Nazis to be admitted under Project Paperclip, was evidently never aware that his directive had been violated.

 

Again, this is evidence of control at a level higher than the president.

By the late 1940s, the now-ascendant Cold War added new impetus. Potential intelligence assets were recruited from all across Europe, many of them zealous Nazis who could be relied upon to be anticommunists. In an effort to avoid the negative publicity that had burdened some of the early Paperclip activities—some Americans just did not think it proper to bring former Nazis to the United States and place them in responsible positions—JIOA officers began bringing Nazis from Argentina, that haven for the Bormann organization.

According to Hunt, all of this activity was almost totally unknown to the public but rested in the hands of certain top-ranking government officials like the Dulles brothers and John J. McCloy. The agenda of the globalists was moving ahead.

Paperclip had several spin-off projects. Expanding on Paperclip, the National Interest program was tightly connected to the new CIA and provided a means of bypassing close scrutiny by anti-Nazi elements within military intelligence.

 

No longer were Nazi scientists the sole objective; recruitment of Nazis now included Eastern Europeans thought to be helpful against the communists, and even convicted Nazi war criminals. Anyone, regardless of their past, was eligible as long as someone within the U.S. government deemed their presence in the national interest.

 

Linda Hunt wrote:

 

Prevailing myth has it that the first group in National Interest, the German scientists, were employed solely because of their scientific expertise, but there were other reasons as well. First, defense contractors and universities could hire German scientists for substantially less money than they could American employees.

 

Salary statistics show that the Germans signed contracts for approximately $2,000 a year less than their American counterparts received in comparable positions. Of course, the Germans were unaware of the salary discrepancy, since they had earned even less money in West Germany. The JIOA, however, took advantage of the situation by promoting cheap salaries to convince corporations to participate in the project.

 

Second, because of the Joint Chiefs of Staff connection with the National Interest project, German scientists could obtain necessary security clearances more easily than could American scientists. Defense contractors looking for new employees to work on classified projects found this aspect of National Interest to be particularly advantageous.

 

By 1957, more than sixty companies were listed on JIOA’s rosters, including Lockheed, W. R. Grace and Company, CBS Laboratories, and Martin Marietta...

National Interest placed German scientists at major universities in research or teaching positions, regardless of their Nazi pasts.

 

Even the U.S. Office of Education helped JIOA send fliers to universities all over the country touting the advantages of hiring the Germans on federally financed research projects, since they could obtain security clearances more easily than Americans. The University of Texas, Washington University School of Medicine in St. Louis, Missouri, and Boston University were among the participants.

It should be noted that Yale University, alma mater of the Bush and Harriman families and home of Skull and Bones, also received Paperclip Nazis as employees.

Another program, code-named simply Project 63, was designed specifically to get German scientists out of Europe and away from the Soviets.

 

“Most went to work for universities or defense contractors, not the U.S. government,” noted Hunt.

 

“Thus the American taxpayer footed the bill for a project to help former Nazis obtain jobs with Lockheed, Martin Marietta, North American Aviation, and other defense contractors during a time when many American engineers in the aircraft industry were being laid off .”

The Project 63 effort to import Nazis grew so public—in 1952, JIOA deputy director Air Force colonel Gerold Crabbe and a gaggle of military officers, Paperclip members, and civilians journeyed to West Germany on a recruitment drive—that even McCloy expressed concern over a “violent reaction” by West German officials.

 

West Germans complained to U.S. ambassador James Conant, demanding that Paperclip be ended.

 

Conant appealed to then secretary of state John Foster Dulles to shut down Paperclip,

 

“before we are faced with a formal complaint by the West German government against a continuing U.S. recruitment program which has no parallel in any other Allied country.”

But the project was not stopped. As usual, there was simply a name change. Paperclip became the Defense Scientists Immigration Program (DEFSIP). Conant may not have realized his appeal was aimed at one of the architects of the very program he was trying to end.

As the Paperclip project began to lose momentum, yet another stimulus arose. On October 4, 1957, the Russians launched Sputnik I into orbit around the Earth and the space race was on. The Nazi scientists were in demand more than ever.

Paperclip again began to grow.

 

Specialists were imported from Germany, Austria, and other countries under Project 63 and National Interest and gained positions at many universities and defense contractors, including Duke University, RCA, Bell Laboratories, Douglas Aircraft , and Martin Marietta.

 

“Information about the number of defectors and other individuals brought in by the CIA and military intelligence agencies is unknown, since JIOA records concerning them were either shredded or pulled during the FBI’s investigation in 1964,” noted Hunt, adding, “It had taken the greatest war in history to put a stop to an unspeakable evil, and now the cutting edge of that nightmare was being transplanted to America.”

Interestingly, even as we were bringing foreign defectors into the USA, we discovered a traitor within our own government.

 

Lieutenant Colonel William Henry Whalen, who from 1957 served as deputy director of JIOA, the agency that commanded Paperclip, became the highest-ranking American ever recruited as a mole by the Soviet intelligence service. Only four months after he began spying for the Soviets, Whalen was promoted to the directorship of JIOA.

 

When arrested in 1962, Whalen was an intelligence adviser, which permitted him access to any information pertaining to the Joint Chiefs of Staff planning and allocation of military forces, including communications and electronic intelligence-gathering.

Whalen, who suffered from alcoholism and debt, was recruited by the Soviets in the mid-1950s by Colonel Sergei Edemski, a loquacious Soviet military attaché in Washington, D.C.

 

Although it became publicly known that Whalen admitted providing the Communists with our utmost secrets concerning U.S. nuclear weaponry and strategies, his connection with Paperclip was not revealed.

 

Yet, author Hunt raised a relevant question about Whalen by asking,

 

“Did he use blackmail to recruit a spy or saboteur from among the approximately 1,600 Paperclip specialists and hundreds of other JIOA recruits brought to this country since 1945? It certainly is clear from the evidence that many of them had a lot to hide.”

Though charged with espionage, in 1966 Whalen made a deal with the Justice Department, in which he pled guilty to a lesser charge in exchange for his cooperation. Federal judge Oren Lewis, while accusing Whalen of “selling me and all your fellow Americans down the river,” nevertheless sentenced the spy to a mere fifteen years in prison.

 

He was paroled after serving only six years.

But it was not just homegrown spies like Whalen who were slipping information out of Paperclip. Imported Nazis had every opportunity to pass national security information out of the country. According to Hunt, there was no further army surveillance over the Nazi Paperclip specialists after just four months of their signing a contract with the U.S. government.

 

Furthermore, anyone receiving any more than 50 percent support from a Paperclip specialist constituted a “dependent,” according to their contracts.

 

“The large number of so- called dependents—including mistresses and maids—brought to Fort Bliss [Texas] as a result of [this situation] were subject to no off-the-post surveillance, even though it was assumed that they had access to at least some classified information because of their close contact with Paperclip personnel,” wrote Hunt.

Incidents of information being passed out of Paperclip were presented to authorities, yet nothing was done. A Fort Bliss businessman reported Paperclip engineer Hans Lindenmayr to the FBI, claiming the German had been using his business address as an illegal letter drop.

 

According to Hunt, at least three other Nazis maintained illegal mail drops in El Paso,

 

“where they received money from foreign or unknown sources and coded messages from South America.”

It was also learned that many Paperclip Nazis received cash from foreign sources.

 

“Neither Army CIC not FBI agents knew where that money came from, and by all appearances, no one cared to know how more than a third of the Paperclip group suddenly were able to buy expensive cars,” noted Hunt.

When word was passed that Nazi scientists working for the French were suspected of receiving orders from Germany to work toward a reemergence of the Reich, army intelligence officers finally began to take a closer look at Paperclip. Amazingly, the biggest catch was Wernher von Braun. It was revealed that at the end of the war, the rocket scientist had been caught sending a map overseas to General Dornberger and concealing information from

U.S. officials. Further investigation revealed that Paperclip specialists were allowed to make unsupervised trips off base and even out of town, the only requirement being that they report when they arrived at their destination. Several had their own telephones that were never monitored.

President Truman was once notified by the CIA that the Nazi scientists working for the Soviets were using a postal address in the U.S. sector of West Germany as a cover for communications with the Paperclip scientists in America.

 

One General Electric manager working with Paperclip specialists told the FBI that the Army’s lax security at White Sands Proving Grounds bordered on “criminal neglect,” especially since about 350 of the Germans’ former coworkers were serving the Russians. He believed that it was reasonable to assume that friendly contacts between the two groups still existed.

Apparently, overseas communication between the Nazis in America and the Nazis in Russia continued unabated, which has raised the possibility of a parallel space race controlled or manipulated by the very globalists who had created and financed both communism and the Third Reich.

ALMOST EVERYONE WHO was of age in 1969 recalls vividly the pride and excitement of the U.S. Apollo mission’s moon landing on July 20. It is difficult then for them to seriously consider the many contradictions and anomalies of the six moon landings.

 

What may be even more difficult is to consider that the space race was never a true competition between the United States and the former Soviet Union; rather, it was a combined space program run by Nazi scientists and controlled by high-level globalists.

As the Allies closed in on Nazi Germany in the spring of 1945, top American commanders were given orders to leave all the rockets and their plans at the Nazi facility at Nordhausen for the Russians. However, some commanders unofficially absconded with about a hundred V-2s, along with a large collection of plans, manuals, and other documents.

 

According to one American officer,

 

“We gave the Russians the key to Sputnik... [F]or ten weeks, the American army had in its hands the rocket plant that gave the Russians their head start in the missile race.”

Here was more evidence of the collusion taking place at the level of the globalists who were already directing activities that would lead to the Cold War.

After the war, at NASA’s George C. Marshall Space Flight Center in Huntsville, Alabama, the Nazi rocket scientists established nearly a carbon copy of their organization at the wartime secret Nazi rocket facility at Peenemunde.

 

According to Linda Hunt, James Webb, NASA administrator during the Kennedy years, complained that the Nazi scientists were circumventing the system to the extent of attempting to build their own Saturn V rocket in-house at the Marshall Center.

 

“... the Germans dominated the rocket program to such an extent that they held the chief and deputy slots of every major division and laboratory. And their positions at Marshall and the Kennedy Space Center at Cape Canaveral, Florida, were similar to those they had held during the war,” wrote Hunt.

 

“The Peenemunde team’s leader, Wernher von Braun, became the first director of the Marshall Space Center; Mittlewerk’s head of production, Arthur Rudolph, was named project director of the Saturn V rocket program; Peenemunde’s V-2 flight test director, Kurt Debus, was the first director of the Kennedy Space Center.”

Rudolph, who gained American citizenship after entering the USA with his boss von Braun under the program that was to become Paperclip, was credited with helping to place Americans on the moon.

 

He retired with a NASA pension in 1979 but was stripped of his American citizenship in 1983, after he conceded to the Justice Department that he had,

 

“participated under the direction of and on behalf of the Nazi government of Germany, in the persecution of unarmed civilians because of their race, religion, national origin, or political opinion.”

However, a West German investigation of Rudolph stated there was no factual basis for charging him with war crimes and granted him German citizenship. Several Americans, including Lieutenant Colonel William E. Winterstein Sr., who was commander of the Technical Service Unit at Fort Bliss, Texas, which supported the German scientists, claimed Rudolph was railroaded by the Justice Department’s Office of Special Investigations, some members of which “had the full cooperation of the Soviet Union; therefore, close coordination with the KGB.”

AS RECENTLY RELEASED files from behind the Iron Curtain have revealed, many of the scientists in Paperclip as well as some on the Manhattan Project indeed were spying for the Soviet Union. Their motivations were many. Some spied for pay, some for ideology, but all were manipulated by intelligence chiefs far above them.

The flow of information between the scientists in the Soviet Union and the United States has led some researchers to suspect that a covert space program—a third program—was in effect.

 

Joseph P. Farrell, who holds a doctorate degree in patristics (the study of early Christian writers and their work) from the University of Oxford, also has researched ancient history and physics, to include the space program.

 

In his 2004 book Reich of the Black Sun, Farrell wrote,

 

“[I]t is perhaps significant that some contemporary observers of the American space program and its odd thirty-year-long ‘holding pattern’ and tapestry of inconsistencies, lies and obfuscations have long suspected that there are indeed two space programs inside the U.S. government, the public NASA one, and a quasi-independent one based deep within covert and black projects.”

This idea is somewhat supported by the fact that the space programs of Russia and America moved along different paths.

 

At the start, the Russians proved more capable of attaining space flight than the Americans. Under the leadership of their brilliant engineer Sergei Korolev, the Russians produced giant heavy-lift rockets while their American counterparts were busy developing the internal technology for guidance and control.

The Soviet Russians were first:

Both nations used captured Nazi V-2 rockets to begin their space programs. A common joke in the 1950s involved an argument between a Russian and an American. “Our German scientists are better than your German scientists,” they shouted at each other.

Yet, the evidence indicates that the American rocket scientists were indeed placed into a holding pattern while their Soviet counterparts caught up with their technology.

 

William E. Winterstein Sr., a retired U.S. Army lieutenant colonel and one of the rocket engineers on NASA’s Apollo team, noted in his 2002 book Gestapo USA,

 

“The space history of this country reveals that during the 1950s, the von Braun team had developed a multistage rocket by adding solid propellant rocket stages to a Redstone rocket as booster. In 1956, such a rocket with two solid stages made successful high- speed rocket reentry tests with model warheads covered with ablative heat protection.

 

With three solid stages, such a rocket could have placed a satellite into orbit more than a year before the U.S. was defeated by Sputnik. However, and almost unbelievably, the von Braun team was given direct orders from Washington to stop further development. The team was restricted to the development of rockets whose range was less than 200 miles.

 

It was only after President Kennedy announced the lunar mission in 1961 that the German rocket team was finally released from agonizing bureaucratic blunders from Washington, and was given a free hand, and even orders, to accomplish von Braun’s lifelong goal to travel into space.”

It has been argued that a primary incentive of the German scientists was the sheer desire to continue their work.

 

“Some of these would stop at nothing, even resorting to duping their colleagues and superiors in order to ensure the continuance of their research,” commented British authors Mary Bennett and David S. Percy.

However, in some cases, such as that of von Braun, the connection between the work and the Nazis was close and continuous. Von Braun, the son of a well- connected Prussian minister who founded the German Savings Bank, was brought into Germany’s rocket program by Luftwaffe general Walter Dornberger, who, although charged as a war criminal for the rocket attacks on London and Antwerp, was never brought to trial.

 

Instead, he came into the United States as part of Project Paperclip. Likewise, von Braun, revered as the father of the U.S. space program, was found to have been a Nazi Party member, a member of the SS with the rank of major, a friend to SS Reichsfuehrer Heinrich Himmler, and, according to Linda Hunt, was accused by survivors of the rocket factories at Mittlewerk and Peenemunde of at least once ordering the execution of slave laborers.

 

Kurt Debus, who became the first director of the Kennedy Space Center at Cape Canaveral, was both a member of the Nazi SS and the SA. According to documents obtained by Hunt, in 1942 Debus turned a colleague over to the Gestapo for making anti-Hitler remarks.

The Soviet manner of dealing with their Nazi scientists greatly differed from the laxity of Project Paperclip.

 

“With hindsight, it would seem that the Soviets demonstrated a more humanitarian approach toward their technical prisoners than did the Americans,” noted Bennett and Percy.

 

“Moreover, the way in which the technical information was passed from teacher to pupil was very different. The Soviet experts and the Germans worked side by side in the same factory, but in separate areas. Information was passed between these teams without the Germans ever meeting their Soviet counterparts. They only spoke directly to Korolev, who was far curter with them than he had been in Bleicherode [the V-2 test area in Germany’s Harz Mountains, where Korolev had first debriefed the scientists at war’s end].”

Some serious researchers have opined that the space programs of both the USSR and the USA, despite the political posturing, were actually the same program, one far ahead of the current joint Russian-American space efforts such as the International Space Station.

 

“This [overall] project was conceived and designed as a collaboration between two superpowers,” wrote Bennett and Percy.

 

“The Cold War was a convenient cover under which aspects of this program could be implemented and hidden. All these machinations were orchestrated at the very highest level, with only a select and hidden few ever knowing the overall objectives of the project.”

As noted by Farrell,

 

“This, of course, implies some entity or agency of coordination existing both within the Soviet Union and the United States.”

If this were so, who were these hidden manipulators?

To begin with, there were the German rocket scientists themselves. In 1945, Lieutenant Walter Jessel was assigned to investigate how much trust to give the scientists before bringing them to America.

 

According to author Hunt, the lieutenant,

 

“uncovered evidence of a conspiracy among von Braun, Dornberger, and Dornberger’s former chief of staff , Herbert Axster, to withhold information from U.S. officers.”

Secret codicils within the 1945 Yalta Agreement between Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin allowed for the partitioning of Europe between the Allied powers.

Dr. Wilhelm Voss, the former head of the Skoda Munitions Works in Pilsen, had handled much of the material for Kammler’s Kammlerstab Special Projects Group. In May 1945, when elements of the American Army arrived in the Czech city of Pilsen, Voss attempted to hand over a truckload of Kammlerstab documents but was told by the commanding

U.S. officer that he was under orders to give everything to the Russians.

While entire German divisions were trying desperately to surrender to the Western Allies, it is well known that Patton’s Third Army had reached the outskirts of Berlin before being ordered back a hundred miles to await the arrival of the Russians, who were required to fight desperately for every block of the city. Such a withdrawal is clear evidence of the deals being made at the highest levels.

As has been noted, there was communication between the two groups of Nazi scientists even though they were half a world away from each other. This could have been facilitated by the interconnected business and banking interests already described.

As detailed in the section “Communism versus National Socialism” the same Western bankers and financiers who funded Hitler’s National Socialism also supported Communism in Russia. The U.S. federal government’s leniency toward communism has been well documented, beginning with President Franklin D. Roosevelt, who began his career as a Wall Street attorney specializing in corporate law.

 

Roosevelt echoed his Wall Street cronies’ warm regard for both Stalin and communism.

 

According to historian Thomas Fleming, the U.S. government was rife with globalist agents conveying secrets back to Russia.

 

“There was scarcely a branch of the American government, including the War, Navy, and Justice Departments, that did not have Soviet moles in high places, feeding Moscow information. [William] Wild Bill Donovan’s Office of Strategic Services, the forerunner of the CIA, had so many informers in its ranks, it was almost an arm of the NKVD. Donovan’s personal assistant, Duncan Chaplin Lee, was a spy,” Fleming wrote.

Another possible crossing point for aerospace information may have been the British Interplanetary Society (BIS), according to Bennett and Percy. While the BIS was reportedly created in September 1945 by combining several existing organizations interested in the future of space exploration, it was not officially inaugurated until December of that year.

At that time, Wernher von Braun, the man behind the V-2 rockets, was named as an honorary fellow.

 

Arthur C. Clarke, an early member of the BIS, claimed the society had been in existence long before the war and was merely in “suspended animation” from 1939 to 1945.

Noting that the Soviet embassy in London subscribed to no less than twenty copies of the bimonthly BIS journal, Bennett and Percy asked,

 

“Why was it necessary to reform a society already in existence?

 

Why did the British hasten to grant such an award to the man who only nine months before [as technical director of the Nazi V-1 and V-2 rocket programs], was responsible for the annihilation of so many people in London and the Home Counties?

 

Why did both the British (and von Braun) wish to play down the real timing, if everybody felt comfortable with the reasons for honoring [von Braun]?”

Their insinuation is that valuable rocket technology information was passed along via the BIS, possibly with the approval of von Braun.

President Eisenhower, aware of the American public’s concern that the Soviets might be winning the space race, ordered a Manhattan Project approach to the problem. This mandate resulted in a structure that became compartmentalized and shrouded with secrecy. All relevant information was on a strictly “need to know” basis, controlled by members of the self-styled globalist elite, the plutocrats who owned the emerging multinational corporations.

To fully understand how this control over parallel space programs worked, one must look past the Eisenhower administration and study the National Security Act of 1947.

On September 15 of that year—only three months after pilot Kenneth Arnold saw flying discs over Mount Rainier, and just two months after something crashed near Roswell, New Mexico—President Harry S. Truman signed into law the National Security Act of 1947, which, among other things, created the National Security Council (NSC) and the Air Force as a separate branch of service, united the military branches under a Department of Defense, and created America’s first peacetime civilian intelligence organization, the Central Intelligence Agency.

An important example of the tight inner government control by secret society members may be found in the NSC, which has come to dominate U.S. policy decisions, including the use of armed force. Most Americans have no idea who exactly comprises the powerful NSC.

 

The council principals are the president, vice president, and secretaries of state and defense, positions predominantly held throughout the later twentieth century by members of the globalist societies, the Council on Foreign Relations, or the Trilateral Commission. The NSC staff is directed by the president’s national security adviser.

 

To coordinate covert operations, the NSC created the 5412 Committee, also called the Special Group, which has changed names several times to avoid public exposure. In 1964, it was known as the 303 Committee and in 1970 it was renamed the 40 Committee.

 

Within this organization—which included such familiar names as Nelson Rockefeller, Robert McNamara, McGeorge Bundy, Gordon Gray, and Allen Dulles—was a subcommittee dealing with science and technology. It is here that the connection between the corporate and financial world and government-held technological secrets may be found.

 

Here is centered control over rocketry, space, alternative energy sources, and even UFOs. And it is here that researchers have tracked the mysterious group known as Majic Twelve, later known as Majestic Twelve or simply MJ-12.

The MJ-12 issue was first publicly raised in 1984 when a TV producer and UFO researcher received an undeveloped roll of 35-mm black-and-white film in his mail. The film contained eight pages of what appeared to be official U.S. government documents stamped TOP SECRET/MAJIC EYES ONLY and dated November 18, 1952.

 

The pages were a “ briefing document” prepared for president-elect Dwight D. Eisenhower, concerning “Operation Majestic 12.” There has been ongoing controversy over the legitimacy of these and the subsequent release of other MJ-12 documents, including a Standard Operations Manual (SOM 1-01) marked “Top Secret/MAJIC,” dated April 1954, and titled “Extraterrestrial Entities and Technology, Recovery and Disposal.”

The documents listed twelve prominent men as members of Operation Majestic 12, “a TOP SECRET Research and Development/Intelligence operation responsible directly and only to the President of the United States,” who were to deal with the UFO issue at the highest level.

 

The papers went on to detail how a “secret operation” was begun on July 7, 1947, to recover the wreckage of a disc- shaped craft from a crash site,

 

“approximately 75 miles northwest of Roswell Army Air Base.” Also, “four small human-like beings [who] had apparently ejected from the craft ” were found dead about two miles east of the wreckage site.

The document added,

 

“Civilian and military witnesses in the area were debriefed, and news reporters were given the effective cover story that the object had been a misguided weather research balloon.”

Later, when the weather balloon story became discredited, the story was changed to a Mogul balloon, used to monitor the upper atmosphere for Soviet A-bomb testing, though why such a monitoring device would be launched from New Mexico was never explained.

The “briefing” papers ended by stating,

 

“Implications for the National Security are of continuing importance in that the motives and ultimate intentions of these visitors remain completely unknown. In addition, a significant upsurge in the surveillance activity of these craft beginning in May and continuing through the autumn of [1952] has caused considerable concern that new developments may be imminent.

 

It is for these reasons, as well as the obvious international and technological considerations and the ultimate need to avoid a public panic at all costs, that the Majestic-12 Group remains of the unanimous opinion that imposition of the strictest security precautions should continue without interruption into the new administration.”

These MJ-12 documents created a storm of controversy within the UFO research community.

 

Debunkers claimed to have found all sorts of discrepancies—from misspellings to identical signatures. However, no one has been able to definitively disprove all the MJ-12 documents as fakes and, in fact, there is much evidence to indicate their authenticity. For example, Dr. Robert M. Wood, who managed research and development at McDonnell Douglas for forty-three years, found that the typeface and style of the SOM 1-01 manual matched that of U.S. government printing presses in use during the 1950s.

If the information in the MJ-12 documents is proven correct, it is strong evidence that certain persons within the United States had access to remarkable technology, both taken at Roswell and similar to that described as being in Nazi hands toward the end of the war.

A cursory look at the men identified as the original MJ-12 group, as well as their corporate and intelligence connections, makes clear the potential for high-level control over exotic technology—groundbreaking technology that could upset the monopolies over energy, transportation, and communications held by the wealthy globalists who financed Hitler.

 

As listed in the documents, MJ-12 members included:

 

These distinguished men appeared to have two things in common— they were all connected to the highest levels of the national security as well as American corporate business. They were also all dead at the time the MJ-12 papers surfaced, thus unable to answer any questions about their role, if any, in such a group.

The agenda of this control group may have been best expressed by Senator Lyndon B. Johnson who, speaking to the Senate Democratic Caucus on January 7, 1958, stated,

 

“Control of space means control of the world... From space, the masters of infinity would have the power to control the Earth’s weather, to cause drought and flood, to change the tides and raise the levels of the sea, to divert the Gulf Stream and change the climate to frigid... There is something more powerful than the ultimate weapon.

 

That is the ultimate position—the position of total control over the Earth that lies somewhere in outer space... And if there is an ultimate position, then our national goal and the goal of all free men must be to win and hold that position.”

Johnson, who in 1954 became the youngest Senate majority leader in U.S. history, was in a position to serve those in both the military and the corporations. In 2007, President George W. Bush echoed Johnson’s remarks by calling for new space missions and the weaponization of space.

ADDING TO JOHNSON’S puzzling statement about “the masters of infinity” are facts indicating an astounding connection between the well- documented occultism of the Nazis, the NASA space program, and the Soviet space program.

Richard C. Hoagland, a former science adviser to Walter Cronkite and CBS News during the Apollo program, astounded conspiracy researchers in the 1990s with his assertion that the time and date of many NASA space launches, including the Apollo moon missions, were set to coincide with astrological alignments of the stars and planets.

 

In 1992, Hoagland briefed UN officials on the mathematical and geometric linkage connecting the sitting of “Cydonia” on Mars, the location of the Martian “Pyramids” and “Face,” with the Egyptian location of the pyramids and sphinx on Earth.

 

“This remarkable new evidence that ‘all is not as we have thought regarding NASA’ is distinctly different from the official NASA imagery that [I have] been analyzing for almost fifteen years,” reported Hoagland.

 

“This new evidence is of a ‘pattern’ [shown by] an official, undeniable log of NASA mission planning, mission priorities, and space agency decisions extending back to when the agency was officially formed by Act of Congress on July 29, 1958. This log has been carefully compiled from recorded network mission broadcasts from, among others, ‘my’ old network—CBS; officially published NASA mission time lines; and documented testimonials of former NASA scientists.”

According to Hoagland, these cross- correlated public records now provide firm evidence of an astonishing, official link between NASA’s supposedly strictly “scientific” missions and millennia-old occult beliefs.

 

In fact, the original official NASA Apollo Lunar Program logo of the 1960s clearly depicted the “belt” in the constellation of Orion, long thought to represent Osiris, a central figure in Egyptian celestial mythology.

 

“Curiously, immediately after the Apollo 13 ‘accident,’ NASA quietly changed this official Apollo program logo—adding random stars to the existing constellation, thereby cleverly obscuring its direct derivation from Orion,” noted Hoagland.

He concluded that the extraordinarily complex and expensive mission-planning for the entire Apollo Lunar Program, far from being merely “represented” by this “interesting” Egyptian mythological connection, was in fact completely controlled by, and designed around, this crucial Orion symbolism.

 

In other words, someone with enough authority to set the launch date and time for an Apollo space mission, as well as many others, was guided by the astrological alignment of the stars and planets rather than an objective scientific basis.

 

This occult aspect has been kept carefully hidden not only from the American taxpayers, who paid for these missions, but from the vast majority of NASA personnel as well.

 

“[I]magine the astonishment that you would feel if you learned that Apollo 11’s historic lunar touchdown... took place at the one location on the entire lunar surface—Tranquillity—and within minutes out of an entire solar year (8:17 P.M. GMT, July 20, 1969), where and when Sirius, the brightest star in the sky, and the central stellar figure, Isis, in the Egyptian triumvirate of Isis, Osiris, and Horus, could have been seen hovering above the airless Eastern horizon—precisely at 19.5 degrees elevation!” said Hoagland.

Yet, this is exactly what happened.

Mary Ann Weaver, a former Boeing engineer and computer professional, was intrigued by the data produced by Hoagland and his associate Michael Bara. As a former researcher with the antenna division of Boeing, she was experienced in 3-D computer modeling, computational analysis, and developing equations and analytic methods for problem-solving. Weaver set out to confirm or deny the findings of Hoagland and Bara.

After a careful study of their data, Weaver concluded that the star alignments for the mission activities and launches did not happen by accident.

 

“[T]hey must happen by design,” she stated. “To try and explain them via random processes results in odds of billions to one. I would not bet on the ‘random’ side of these kind of odds.”

“The significance of these findings is [that] I have shown there to be a pattern throughout eighty- two launches that were part of the Apollo preparation phase—and Apollo itself. Additionally, I have shown that the Apollo missions follow this same pattern on a day-to- day, mission- activities level, which is even more improbable because of its consistency with the launch data.

 

Furthermore, it is improbable that the frequency of these stellar alignments are [sic] tied to weather or lighting conditions, because of the fact that they occur for a variety of mission events, even those that do not require specific lighting or weather conditions,” she concluded.

Michael Bara pointed to a disturbing similarity with Russian space flights.

 

He noticed that the launch of the first module for the new International Space Station was launched from the Baikonur Cosmodrome located in Kazakhstan, now an independent nation that borders Russia and the Caspian Sea, and was apparently designed to coincide with a number of the significant celestial alignments already found in NASA’s long-established ritual pattern.

 

This would indicate some connection between the former Soviet space program and NASA, perhaps through the Nazi scientists working in both.

After studying the August 1998 mission, Bara noted,

 

“[Th e module] Zarya, which translates into ‘sunrise’ or ‘rising sun’ in English, was launched from pad 333 at its precisely scheduled time despite Russian requests to have the launch delayed. NASA, citing a number of minor technical considerations, refused the Russian request and the launch went off as originally scheduled and was witnessed by NASA administrator Dan Goldin.

 

Considering that the [International Space Station] program was already a year behind schedule, another minor delay would not, despite NASA protestations to the contrary, have led to a significant problem. Only when you consider the symbolic significance of the moment does this steadfast insistence make sense.”

It is not necessary for one to believe in astrology. The point is that someone high enough in power in the U.S. government—and, apparently, in Russia—to be able to order the dates and times of space missions does believe in such things.

 

Is this evidence of Nazi occultism in our space program?

President John F. Kennedy may have been aware of a parallel space program and decided to make it public policy. On November 12, 1963, ten days before his assassination, he instructed NASA administrator James Webb to develop a program of “joint space and lunar exploration” with the Soviet Union. This proposal, which may startle Americans today, was verified by Sergei Khruschev, the eldest son of the former Russian premier, in 1997.

 

The importance of Kennedy’s step toward reconciliation with the Soviet Union and his control over NASA will become apparent in the upcoming chapter, “Kennedy and the Nazis.”

Strong evidence suggests they may well be the subject of this book—those global National Socialists and their minions, who have a goal of controlling the entire world.

 

Nicholas “Nick” Rockefeller, a participant in the World Economic Forum, member of the Council on Foreign Relations and the International Institute for Strategic Studies, may have revealed the overall globalist agenda when he said,

 

“The end goal is to get everybody chipped, to control the whole society, to have the bankers and the elite people control the world.”

But this control goes far beyond military and space hardware.

 

In modern warfare, there is also the struggle for control over the hearts and minds of whole populations, whether by psychological or chemical means.
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