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And indeed, in all parts of the political spectrum, and irrespective of sympathies, it did seem that many writers had little idea what they were talking about, and little awareness that they had little idea what they were talking about, either.
This has been the case since the beginning of the crisis, and it reflects the fact that understanding what's going on in Ukraine, why it happened and how it might turn out, is objectively difficult, and requires acquired knowledge, reflection and ideally personal experience:
Then it occurred to me that Ukraine was not the only case where the intelligentsia of today (if you can call it that) seemed just to have given up, and retreated into slogans and name-calling.
In an age when more people are notionally better educated than ever before, and where apparently limitless information is available on the Internet, we seem to be less intellectually able to engage with, let alone grasp big issues than was ever the case before.
As it happens, we've been in political crisis for months in France now, with no prospect of the Parliament agreeing a budget, let alone disgorging a majority, but media coverage of it is sporadic and personality-based, at best:
Let's talk about things we think we understand, instead.
Other examples are easy to find.
Problems like,
...are not exactly hiding from us, but our societies and those responsible for taking decisions seem intellectually paralyzed before them.
On the one hand, climate change and environmental degradation are accelerating, on the other, municipal authorities are promoting recycling and planting trees.
Yes, every little helps, I know, but too many of these measures seem to me like attempted magical rites, somehow intended to affect a problem we can't properly comprehend, much less think of ways of dealing with.
Sellotaping yourself to works of art and
demanding that governments "do something," is just a demonstration
of intellectual failure and defeat on your own part.
We know that sea-levels are rising, and we may even realize that many important cities in the world are on low-lying coasts.
Such questions, and
there are many others, are actually too big to contemplate, and our
current political class and the Professional and Managerial Caste
(PMC) is not intellectually equipped to understand them, far less to
deal with them.
In many ways, the ludicrous beating of war-drums in Europe (the militarism of the traditionally anti-militaristic) is an attempt to turn the very complex and threatening problems after the defeat, some of which I've discussed many times, into something that the political leadership and the PMC thinks it understands, from Hollywood films and Powerpoint slides.
Just don't ask them to solve real practical problems:
This mentality applies at all levels:
But what you can do is start a whispering campaign against the Vice-Chancellor to force him out and have him replaced by a woman.
There you are, you've accomplished something.
Indeed, I would argue that the growth of Identity Politics
essentially reflects our society's decreasing capability to solve
serious problems, and the consequent attraction to addressing
trivial ones that you think you can actually manage.
That would take a book, but I just want to mention a few contributory factors.
One is certainly the managerial mindset of the last couple of generations, which has trained an entire class to believe that fiddling with problems somehow equates to resolving them, and that anyway there are no problems you can't solve with a Powerpoint presentation.
Another is the decay of genuine knowledge and practical capability, at the expense of credentials whose only purpose is to get you a better job, or indeed a job at all.
A third is the massive emphasis today on financial outcomes and the associated belief that they are somehow "real" in the sense that flooding or infectious diseases are real.
And of course there are few prizes these days for actually trying to address fundamental problems anyway, since that presupposes both an interest in real outcomes as opposed to financial ones, and a willingness to look at the long term, which our society no longer does.
The result is the collective turning of a blind eye to problems that are simply too complicated for our society to understand.
Meanwhile, if these
are the last days, we need to grab what we can while we can.
The idea of looking at problems holistically, which survived the rise of modern science at least for a time, has now been entirely lost, and we actually have difficulty remembering how complex and interrelated the world once seemed, if indeed we ever learnt about it.
We have lost the intellectual habit of considering the relationship of problems to each other, as previous religious, social and political beliefs encouraged us to do. Everything now arrives retail, like an Amazon parcel, disconnected from the rest of the world and from any wider picture.
It is as though every problem
were encountered, shorn of all context and history, for the first
time.
So imagine, if you will, the world (and the universe insofar as there was a distinction) as a connected whole.
It is like a gigantic book written by God, where all knowledge and all truth is stored, and where everything reflects and influences everything else. Once we learn how to read this book, all knowledge is at our disposal.
The truth, in other words, is in there, and we simply need to understand how to interpret it.
Signs and symbols abound (you can
see why Umberto Eco began as a medievalist), and all natural
phenomena, from flights of birds to shapes of plants to signs in the
sky, convey information to those who want to understand.
Needless to say, we are almost infinitely far from
that situation today.
But actually the word Weber used, Entzauberung, comes from the word Zauber (yes, as in Mozart's opera) and really means "un-magicking."
That is to say that,
The fact that people today may read horoscopes, or that books on Buddhism and Wicca remain popular, is just a sociological phenomenon, a small rebellion if you like against the dominant contemporary paradigm of a soulless and meaningless universe.( If the universe is a book, then today's edition is written by Samuel Beckett.)
We have lost the Magical Universe, and we won't get it
back, although if you are familiar with cultures in parts of Africa
and Asia, you will know that they have hung on to much more of it
than we have. The wider consequences of that bear thinking about.
Well, nothing much, because it's very hard to make sense of what happens in the world without at least some broad intellectual foundation to rely on, and that we no longer have.
Various religions have been confident their holy books provided this foundation.
To the extent that such world-views persist, they act among other things as a corpus of beliefs and practices that give the world, even if imperfectly, a continued and coherent meaning.
(Needless to say, understanding the continued power of
fundamentalist religions, in the Muslim world but also in parts of
sub-Saharan Africa and the United States, is too intellectually
difficult for our society, so pundits fall back on trivial and reductivist explanations which are at least within their ability to
articulate.)
Eco's monks were probably using the Vulgate Bible, a fourth-century collection by various hands from Greek, Hebrew and Latin, sometimes including translations of translations, and which itself competed with other versions.
This was bad enough, but as Charles Taylor has pointed out, the rise of Protestantism, with its distrust of ritual and ecclesiastical hierarchy, and its emphasis on personal links with God and close reading of the Bible, and "thinking for yourself" about what it meant, not only helped to produce our modern, individualist un-magical world, it also enabled an almost infinite variety of competing meanings to be extracted from different translations, as the previously centralized control of Biblical interpretation broke down.
The wider consequences have
not always been happy, and the intellectual habits it engendered
still have resonances today.
We tend to think of the Soviet Union in this context, but in many ways countries with mass political parties provide better examples.
In France or Italy fifty years ago, where Communist Parties attracted perhaps a fifth of the electorate, they were effectively parallel states, often controlling entire cities and regions, with their own media, their own festivals, their own ethic of service and even their own educational activities.
Moreover, they were part of an international system directed from Moscow, which, like the medieval Catholic Church, tolerated no dissent.
When troubling events
occurred, like the suppression of the 1956 Hungarian uprising,
newspapers, magazines, local Party officials, distinguished
intellectuals and commentators on radio and TV were on hand to tell
people that they shouldn't worry, and Moscow was right.
But it's worth pointing out that Communist Parties were found all over the world (thus, I think, disposing of Bertrand Russell's facile argument that Communism was just a Christian heresy.)
Leaving China aside as a special example, one of the modernizing effects of colonialism and interwar League of Nations mandates was the spread of progressive and left-wing ideas into deeply traditional societies.
At one point, the Indonesian Communist Party was the third largest in the world, and its opposite numbers led a vigorous, if subterranean, existence in former Ottoman states such as Iraq and Syria.
These movements are best seen as attempts to recreate the totalizing effect of religion, but in a secular context, to assist in modernization and nation-building projects.
The failure of western-style politics, including Marxism, in the Arab world, is
acknowledged to be the primary explanation for the current interest
in fundamentalist Political Islam as, effectively, the only
political system that hasn't been tried, and the only chance for
societies caught between modernism and tradition to find a coherent
explanation for the world.
Its descendants, from Marcusian miserablism to glum Identity Politics, actually split society into smaller and smaller warring factions, and deny even the possibility of positive change and evolution, so complete, they argue, is the domination of capitalism/the consumer society/the patriarchy/racial groups and power structures generally.
Just the kind of stuff when you need when you want to be cheered up
and motivated. At least Communism had a vision.
The secular age has liberated us from the dead hand of the Church, it says here, hierarchical education systems have been dynamited and replaced by "co-learning," and traditional authority is mocked and distrusted.
So the way is
open for each of us to reach our own conclusions and affirm our own
opinions, in the glorious personal intellectual independence of our
Liberal society.
But the wider purpose was to advance the position of relatively small, educated groups who wanted to challenge the existing political system and replace it with one which gave them more influence, as well as undermine the power of the Church.
And, being fair to Liberalism twice in the same paragraph, it was largely the case that in those days such institutions and individuals were often conscientious and did the best job they could:
The progressive emancipation of Liberalism from outside restraints and influences has produced the effect that might have been anticipated.
The assault on even the attempt to find some kind of usable accepted truth, the deconstruction of everything until deconstruction ate itself, and most of all the obsessive creation and sustenance of the alienated individual, with no past, no history, no culture and no society, indeed no function but consumption, has produced a society where we are abandoned in the name of freedom.
It has also, logically enough, destroyed the intermediate structures to which people could reliably turn in the past for a coherent interpretation of events.
The argument is essentially the same as that which encourages us to be "CEO of our own life," to arrange our own retirement, to "take responsibility" for our mental and physical well-being.
Of course, a lot of people don't see it like that, or at least they think they don't. Individualism has always been a popular cause, as the joke of my teenage years had it,
But as with a lot of things the actual implementation turns out to be a bit trickier than we thought. You can, of course, make ringing declarations about independence and being an individual, captain of my fate, master of my soul etc.
One that comes to mind is from the famous poem by A.E. Housman, who though "a stranger and afraid/in a world I never made" yet asserted that:
Yet Housman led a notably miserable life, and
it's hard to argue that his aggressively vaunted independence
actually benefited him very much. In fact, most self-conscious
"rebels" (Baudelaire is another good example) have led lives of
miserable failure, because they spent too much of their time just
rebelling, and not enough trying to construct a viable alternative
life for themselves.
Fair enough,
After all, a couple of centuries ago, the freedom Liberals demanded was essentially to hold unpopular opinions without being penalized.
I don't think (and this is the last time I'm being fair to Liberalism today) they ever anticipated an anarchic free-for-all, without any agreement often on the most basic facts.
Yet this is how
many people - especially aggressive individualists - do actually see
things today. I've already mentioned some higher profile issues, but
here I want to discuss a more detailed case, precisely because
making judgments about it would require knowledge I don't have, and
indeed very few people do.
Many things, including the involvement of other nations, are still not clear and probably never will be. ( I saw an official statement from the Pentagon last week, which is why it popped back into my mind again.)
Now to write something intelligent about the episode you should ideally have,
Clearly no one person is ever likely to have this collection of knowledge:
So where did they get their opinions from?
Well, mostly, they either cited or silently reproduced, arguments from other commentators with at least some technical knowledge in one or more of these areas.
There was a wide variety of such analyses to choose from, so how does the generalist pundit, writing for the media, or their own Internet site, consider all the facts and decide for themselves?
After all, the foundation for the belief in the worth of individual judgment is the idea that all facts are in principle knowable, and that human beings, as rational animals, can make judgments between them.
So over here is the official statement of the US government after the operation, over there is an expert on "geostrategy" and elsewhere still is a physicist who once worked on weapons design.
Who do you believe, and whose thought will you reproduce:
(I'm happy to say that I don't know the truth of
this episode, and I feel under no compulsion to pronounce on it. But
then my livelihood doesn't depend on such things.)
As Daniel Khaneman, whom I've mentioned before, has shown at some length, we make most of our decisions quickly and emotionally, based on instinct.
These decisions, which he called Type 1 decisions, are the residue of the time when life was more threatening, and quick, instinctive decisions might save your life. Yet most of the important decisions we have to make in life are actually Type 2 decisions, where we have to consider the evidence carefully.
Crudely, we can say that most people make Type 1 decisions about who to believe when they should be making Type 2 decisions.
Which is to say:
And in practice, given the fearsome complexity of
almost every international crisis, this is all you can really do:
the possibility of "deciding for yourself" is in practice just about
subjectively deciding who to believe.
This is the traditional practice of the Argument from Authority, which usually takes the form,
In spite of being an obvious logical fallacy, it is a form of argument that is still very often encountered today. (Its extreme form has the wonderful name of ipsedixitism, or "he himself said it", so there's no argument.)
However, in the Middle Ages there were recognized "authorities" (notably Aristotle) who were not challenged.
Generally, it was through their writings that they were considered authoritative:
Obviously, also, the Bible was an Authority, but the Church insisted on the monopoly of authoritative readings of it.
In both cases, as well as in traditional societies generally, and as I pointed out in one of my first essays, authority was actually based on something relatively coherent, such as age and experience, intellectual pre-eminence or even simple antiquity (the older the better.)
We don't have this today:
Who we believe depends essentially on what we
want to be told. It is most unlikely that we will have the necessary
expertise and information to evaluate their arguments.
Sometimes, a little logical thought can help though.
For example, during the 1999 Kosovo crisis, when hard information of any kind was difficult to come by, there was a report that the Serb Police had massacred twenty schoolteachers in a village and left their bodies in a ditch. As usual, people took up positions according to their emotional predispositions. But when we thought about it, the number seemed very high.
After all, assume a reasonably generous pupil-teacher ratio of 35-1, then we are assuming a school or schools with 700 pupils, even supposing that every single teacher was killed.
It seemed unlikely that there were
many villages in Kosovo with 700 children of school age, or indeed
700 inhabitants at all. And in due course, it emerged that the
report had been garbled, and twenty bodies had been found, one of
whom was believed to be a teacher.
An important study (Sex, Drugs, and Body Counts - a few years old now but the situation can only have got worse) demonstrated that many of the facts and figures quoted about high-profile, controversial issues such as human trafficking and deaths from conflict are not so much exaggerated as simply made up, and passed from hand to hand until they are quoted by a reputable organization or a government, at which point they became canonical.
NGOs and campaigners justify their exaggerations, and even outright inventions, by claiming to be "bringing attention" to a problem, but of course the result is to kick off a pointless and distasteful race to prove that My Problem is Bigger than Yours.
And enquiring skepticism of any kind is often attacked with
emotional blackmail ("I suppose you think that human trafficking
isn't a problem then!")
In practice they often just lead to another article saying the same thing, which may cite another article saying the same thing, and in the end you never get to any actual evidence at all.
But most people won't care, of course, so
long as the article tells them what they want to hear.
Take abortion for example.
After all, we have all been a foetus, we have all been born and most adults have children. So you would expect that in a survey of perhaps a thousand people, you would find a large number of different opinions, often with several nuances.
But in practice, all such enquiries show a
cluster around a small handful of positions, often characterized by
deep emotional involvement, and vehement and violent dismissal of
other opinions. But this is only an extreme case of the tendency for
people to shelter in emotional silos, clinging to whichever of the
most common views they instinctively identify with.
Our society does not value or trust logical argument, and surprisingly few people can actually construct a logical argument unaided:
And yet our society tells people that they should "question everything" and "reach their own conclusions."
This is hypocrisy, of course:
The reality is that the construction of logical arguments is not a skill we are born with, and a willingness to hold and defend genuinely personal opinions is a good way to make yourself loathed by all sides.
It is conventional now to sanctify George Orwell, but he was a marginal figure in his own time, scarcely known before the publication of Animal Farm.
His insistence on coming to his own conclusions and expressing them (often drawing on his own personal experiences) made him unpopular not only with the Right, for his Socialist views, but with the Left, then dominated by Communists and fellow-travellers.
He'd have trouble
finding a substantial audience today ("which side are you on, then,
George?")
Because I've been involved in education a bit, I have occasionally asked people what the syllabus for this would be, and how it would be taught. Mumble, mumble, teach children to question everything is the usual response, and as we've seen that's deeply hypocritical.
In fact, there is no question of "teaching children how to think," but rather of teaching children that they will receive no help in their intellectual development, and so are required to "think for themselves," much in the way that they are expected to choose between detailed and complex insurance policies, or evaluate the risks of taking various medicines.
No-one is going
to help them.
For a start, it would include formal logic, both to enable people to construct coherent arguments and, much more important, to recognize logical fallacies in the arguments of others.
Most people have no idea of what logical argument and analysis really are, and hearing examples of them for the first time can induce a drowning sensation and a feeling of the earth giving way. ("But that can‘t be right!")
As I tell students, be very careful following chains of logical argument, because they could lead you to places you didn't intend to go.
Much better to start from an acceptable conclusion and construct a plausible-sounding argument to support it. And they would also study rhetoric, again less to learn rhetorical skills than to identify the misuse of rhetoric by others.
Logic and Rhetoric, of course, were two of the three branches of the Medieval Trivium...:
Together with the Quadrivium (Arithmetic, Astronomy, Geometry and Music) they were the "thinking skills" of the time, which enabled the highly complex and formalized Disputatio to be organized by scholars.
I suppose that's what "teaching children to think" means.
It's a shame we don't do it any more, but
rather we deny the very concept of meaning except as a function of
power, we define words to mean what we want, we regard logic as a
form of oppression and we place What I Feel at the summit of truth,
assuming we even accept that truth could exist.
The world is officially meaningless, the individual has only the status of consumer in a blind market-driven universe, history cannot be discussed, culture is a form of oppression and the only shared concept of the world is a vulgarized nineteenth century materialist scientism, a dead universe of blindly colliding atoms.
This makes some people unhappy.
But they are told that it is they who are responsible for their happiness or lack of it and so they should "think for themselves," in this as in all other areas.
But as in all other areas it is a lie:
But then Orwell was old-fashioned enough to think
in terms of souls.
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